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From an Old Print 



Property of New York Public Library 



THE NEED OF A 
HISTORY OF NEW YORK 




331 

JAM if jam 



United Historical and Patriotic Societies 
and Associations of New York 



PUBLISHED UNDER THE AUSPICES 
OF THE COMMITTEE OF NINE 



DR. GEORGE F. KUNZ, Chairman 
FRANK B. BIGELOW ROBERT H. KELBY 

WILBERFORCE EAMES HERBERT L. OSGOOD 

JAMES A. HOLDEN FRANK H. SEVERANCE 

STUYVESANT FISH, Treasurer ABRAM WAKEMAN, Secretary 



December, 1915 






F7z 

.165 



Printed and Bound by Harper & Brothers 
Franklin Square, New York 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 




'HE growth of interest in the history of this nation and the progress 
' of historical studies make it necessary that a wider and more 
intelligent interest should be taken in the history of the State 
of New York. It is certainly one of the leading states of the 
Union, and as a province, during the Colonial period, its promi- 
nence was almost as fully recognized as it is at the present time. 
Its location is central. For all military purposes it was the 
strategic center of the Colonies along the Atlantic seaboard. Owing to its relation 
with the Five Nations, it always bore a leading part in Indian affairs. As a result 
of this and also of its location it always had intimate relations of a diplomatic 
character with the French in Canada. It early became a commercial center, and 
gradually assumed the leading position in trade among the Thirteen Colonies. 
From an early date also it was a royal province, and so was brought into close 
relations with the British Government. When the Revolution came it stood for 
the accepted principles of British liberty, without that appeal to natural rights 
which was so pronounced in New England. The development of a strong loyalist 
spirit opposed to the Declaration of Independence gives a peculiar interest to 
the history of New York during the Revolution. Because also of its strategic 
importance the British Government made New York during much of the Revolu- 
tionary War the center of its military operations, thus giving to it a peculiar 
importance in the history of the War for Independence. Burgoyne was defeated 
on its soil. His surrender proved to be the turning-point in the Revolution be- 
cause it led to the French alliance and to the series of events which culminated 
in the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. New York was settled by the Dutch 
in 1613, less than a decade subsequent to the settlement of the French in Acadia 
and of the English at Jamestown. At that time no permanent settlement had 
been planted in New England. The Dutch have always been a prominent com- 
ponent of its population. To them the English were added by early immigration 
from New England, and by slow growth and additions after the conquest in 1664. 
French Huguenots also came after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. In 
the early eighteenth century considerable bodies of Palatines came as refugees 
from Germany and settled at points on the middle Hudson and Mohawk Valley. 
As a result of these settlements the population of New York has always been 
cosmopolitan. It is made up of people from many nationalities, with traditions 
and religious beliefs as varied as their origin. In this regard New York, in common 
with the Middle States in general, is typical of the entire country. The mass 
immigration of recent times has made us a meeting of the nations, and this New 
York has always been and is today. 




THE NEED OF A HISTORY OE NEW YORK 

IN NEW YORK HUNG THE NATION'S FATE. 

II RICE during the early history of our State the fate of the 
nation has hung in the balance within its border. First in the 
contention between Holland and England so interestingly told 
in "The American Colonies in the 17th Century," by Professor 
Herbert L. Osgood: then throughout the French and English 
Wars, 1 745-1 759, for the Niagara frontier and control of the 
_ Hudson River and Lake Champlain. Had France been successful 
we should have been a French colony and our Revolution a matter of doubtful 
conjecture. In 1777 the struggle for the Hudson was the critical moment of our 
independence. Indeed, the Hudson River was the " keystone of the arch that held 
New England to the Southern States." In our city, the "Sons of Liberty" and 
later the Committee of Correspondence moulded the events that brought about 
the first Continental Congress of the Colonies at Philadelphia in 1774. New York 
holds also the honor of being "the only colony who lived up to their non-importation 
agreement" of October 31, 1765. 

John Peter Zenger's Trial. 

Again, how little is told in general histories about the most important trial 
ever held in our country! — that of John Peter Zenger, the printer, in whose ac- 
quittal the freedom of the press was established in America for all time. This 
dramatic event took place on August 4, 1735, in the old City Hall, which stood on 
the site of the present Sub-Treasury building, at the corner of Wall and Nassau 
Streets. The following account is taken largely from "John Peter Zenger," by 
Livingston Rutherfurd. 

In the second number of The New-York Weekly Journal (the first issue of 
which appeared November 5,-1733) there appeared an article on the Liberty of the 
Press which was filled with direct allusions to Governor Cosby and his conduct. 
Bradford's Gazette took sides with Cosby and the Crown. The Journal printed 
several articles against the Crown prior to the election for Aldermen and Common 
Councilmen, which was carried against the Government's interest. Two ballads 
entitled "A Song made upon the Election of new Magistrates for this City" and 
"A Song made upon the foregoing Occasion" were published, both making fun of 
the Administration. On November 2, 1734, the papers and request were returned 
to Council, and on the fifth the Sheriff delivered the following order of Council 
to the Court of Quarter Sessions directed to Robert Lurting, Esq., Mayor of the 
City of New York and the Rest of the Magistrates for said City and County. 

"Whereas by an Order of this Board of this Day, some of John Peter Zenger's 
Journals entitled, The New-York Weekly Journal, containing the freshest Advices, 
foreign and domestick, No. 7, 47, 48, 49, were ordered to be burnt, by the Hands 
of the Common Hangman or Whipper, near the Pillory in this City [about in front 
of the present Stock Exchange], on Wednesday the 6th instant, between the 
Hours of Eleven and Twelve in the Forenoon, as containing in them many Things 
tending to Sedition and Faction, to bring His Majesty's Government into Con- 
tempt, and to disturb the Peace thereof, and containing in them likewise, not only 
Reflections upon His Excellency the Governour in particular, the Legislature in 
general, but also upon the most considerable Persons in the most distinguished 
Stations in the Province. It is therefore ordered that the Mayor, and Magistrates 
of this City, do attend at the Burning of the several Papers or Journals aforesaid, 
Numbered as above mentioned." 

Upon reading the order, the Court forbade its entry in the records at that 
time, and some said if it was entered they would at the same time enter their 
protest against it. 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

Zenger says: "Soon after which the Court adjourned and. did not attend the 
Burning of the papers. Afterwards about Noon the Sheriff after reading the 
Numbers of the several Papers which were ordered to be burnt, delivered them 
into the Hands of his own Negroe and ordered him to put them into the Fire, 
which he did, at which Mr. Recorder, Jeremiah Dunbar, Esq; and several of the 
Officers of the Garrison attended." On Sunday, November 17th, Zenger was 
arrested under a warrant of the Council "for printing and publishing several 
Seditious Libels dispersed throughout his Journals or News Papers, entitled, 
The New-York Weekly Journal.'" Zenger was refused "Pen, Ink or Paper or to 
see or speak with People," until the following Wednesday, and then through 
"the Hole of the Door." The bail was fixed at four hundred pounds, which 
amount being more than he could obtain he remained in prison. On the fifteenth 
of April, his counsel, James Alexander and William Smith, offered exceptions 
in behalf of Zenger. The Chief Justice, James DeLancey, refused to hear the 
exceptions: "For," said he, "you thought to have gained a great Deal of Applause 
and Popularity by opposing this Court, as you did, the Court of Exchequer; but 
you have brought it to that Point, That either, We must go from the Bench or 
you from the Barr: Therefore We exclude you and Mr. Alexander from the Barr." 
It was therefore ordered that the said James Alexander and William Smith be 
excluded from any further practise in the "Supream Court of Judicature of the 
Province of New York," and that "their Na.mes be struck out of the Roll of At- 
torneys of this Court." Andrew Hamilton of Philadelphia was retained to defend 
Zenger. Hamilton was born in Scotland in 1656, being then about 80. He was 
a very prominent man in Pennsylvania affairs, having held many public offices. 
He had the reputation of being the best advocate in North America and the only 
American who had been admitted a bencher of Gray's Inn. The day appointed 
for the trial was August 4, 1735, tne pl ace the City Hall, corner of Nassau and 
Wall Streets, the finest building in the city. The Jury (after Hamilton's eloquent 
address) "withdrew and in a small Time returned and being asked by the Clerk 
whether they were agreed of their Verdict, and whether John Peter Zenger was 
guilty of Printing and Publishing the Libels in the Information mentioned? They 
answered by Thomas Hunt, their Foremen, Not Guilty, upon which there were three 
Hazzas in the Hall which was crowded with People, and the next Day I was dis- 
charged from my Imprisonment." 

A dinner was given to Hamilton in the evening at the Black Horse Tavern 
in Smith Street (now William Street). At a meeting of the Common Council 
held on September 16, 1735, it was ordered that Hamilton be presented with the 
Freedom of the Corporation. Its minutes for that date add "that Sundry of the 
members of this Corporation and Gentlemen of this City have voluntarily Con- 
tributed sufficient for a Gold Box of five Ounces and a half Inclosing the Seal 
of said Freedom; Upon the Lid of which we are of Opinion should be engraved 
the Arms of the City of New-York." 

The trial of Zenger established in North America the principle that in prose- 
cution for libel the jury were the judges of both the law and the facts. The Liberty 
of the Press was secured from assault, and the People became equipped with that 
most powerful weapon for successfully contesting arbitrary power, the right of 
freely criticizing the conduct of public men. Thus was established here in New 
York as a matter of law that the printing of facts did not constitute libel, more 
than fifty years before the celebrated trial of "Junus" gave the same privilege 
to the people of England. Gouverneur Morris has well said: "The trial of Zenger 
in 1735 was the germ of American freedom, the morning star of that liberty which 
subsequently revolutionized America." 

The Jury in the John Peter Zenger Case. 

Thomas Hunt, Foreman. 
Samuel Weaver Harmanus Rutgers 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

Stanly Holmes Benjamin Hildreth 

John Bell Edward Man 

Egbert Van Borsom Andries Marschalk 

John Goelet Abraham Keteltas 

Hercules Wendover. 



The World's Greatest War Path. 

The distance between the head of Lake Champlain and Albany is about one 
hundred miles, yet the path between these points has been the scene of more im- 
portant battles than any other "path" of the same distance in the world, — im- 
portant not on account of the great numbers taking part, not for the casualties, 
but from the consequences that have developed. Referring to the map, you will 
notice there are but two "carries" between New York City and Lake Champlain. 
These are the short carry, between Lake Champlain and Lake George at Ticon- 
deroga, and what was known as the "Great Carry," between Lake George and the 
Hudson River at Fort Edward. This route divided New England or the Eastern 
States from the West and South. Its great importance was appreciated by the 
Indians, and later by the Dutch and French. From 1683 there was almost con- 
tinuous warfare between the English Colonies and New France. 

England and France in America. 

As early as 1692 the struggle for supremacy along the border of Lake Champlain 
commenced, gradually increasing until 1744. In July, 1744, war was formally de- 
clared between England and France. "The French had always, as a rule, been 
the more successful of the rivals in enlisting Indian allies, and the conflict was em- 
bittered by Indian massacres at the more exposed English settlements, which, 
rightly or wrongly, were believed to have been in many cases instigated and some- 
times shared by the French " (" The War Path," by E. T. Gillespie, in " Proceedings 
ot the New York State Historical Association," Vol. X). From the borders of 
our State the conflict by degrees extended to Europe, becoming world-wide known 
as the "Seven Years' War." It was in America a struggle for existence. "For a 
quarter of a century the French had occupied a post at Crown Point where Lake 
Champlain narrows into river-like proportions, and thus held a firm grip on the 
route from the Hudson to the St. Lawrence." "Earlier the French had built 
a fort at Niagara, which gave them control of the Lake route to Montreal." The 
English had many years held a post at Oswego at the southwestern corner of 
Lake Ontario. 

Sir William Johnson, Bart. 

The following is largely taken from "Life and Times of Sir William Johnson, 
Bart.," by W. L. Stone: 

One of the most remarkable characters in American history was Sir William 
Johnson, Bart., born in Warrentown, County of Down, Ireland, in 1715. He 
came to America by request of his uncle, Sir Peter Warren, in 1735, to take charge 
of his estate in the Mohawk Valley, called Warrensbush. He became very friendly 
with the Indians and was called War-ragh-i-ya-gry, meaning "Superintendent of 
Affairs." About 1746 he assumed the title of Colonel. Governor Clinton and 
Colonel Schuyler with Johnson succeeded in retaining many of the Indian tribes 
loyal to the English during the French and English War of 1747. Johnson in 
1748 became Commander of the New York Colonial troops for the defense of the 
frontiers. Peace was declared in 1750. Johnson was a warm friend of King 
Hendrik of the Mohawks, and through him won the favor of the Six Nations. 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 5 

In 1754 war had begun again; a Council of the Six Nations was called in Albany 
at which King Hendrik delivered his famous speech. "One of the most eloquent 
Indian speeches ever uttered, containing strains of eloquence which might have 
done honor to Tully or Demosthenes," it "will ever stand among the finest pas- 
sages of rhetoric in either ancient or modern history." "In 1775 Johnson became 
Superintendent of Indian Affairs, with full power to treat with the Confederate 
Nations and to secure their aid for the British interests." 

Johnson's appeal to the Council of Indians held at Mount Johnson, June 21-24, 
was fitting to the occasion and dramatic in the extreme. "The following day the 
speech of General Braddock was delivered to the Indians by Johnson, and the 
latter threw into its delivery all the fire and energy of which he was master and at 
its conclusion flung down in the general's name the War Belt." 

It was immediately picked up by an Oneida Sachem, and at the same time Arent 
Stevens, the interpreter, began the war dance; in the chorus he was joined by the 
Sachems present. "A large tub of punch was thereupon brought forward for the 
Indians to drink the King's health, and the Council broke up for the Day." 

In 1755 General Braddock met with a most disastrous defeat at Fort Duquesne 
by the French. "The prestige of British troops among the Indians was gone, 
and, taking advantage of this, the French prevailed on several of the Indian tribes 
to take up the hatchet against the English." 

Johnson set out from Fort Lyman (Fort Edward) on the twenty-sixth of Au- 
gust, 1755, for Lake St. Sacrament. His first act on his arrival was to change the 
name of this lake to Lake George. He was most disappointed in the few Indians 
that joined him. On September 8, 1755, occurred the battle of Lake George 
between the English under Johnson and the French commanded by Gen. Dieskau. 
Joseph Brant (an Indian chief, although a mere boy) took part in this engagement. 
Johnson's friend King Hendrik was killed early in the battle. The losses were 
heavy on both sides. Dieskau, badly wounded, was made prisoner; the French 
retreated. The loss of the Six Nations was nearly forty braves. The French were 
said by Surgeon Williams to have used poisoned bullets. Johnson had built a fort 
at. the head of the Lake which he named William Henry. For his services during 
this campaign he was created a baronet of Great Britain and was greeted on his ar- 
rival at New York, the last of December, with a triumphal procession and illumina- 
tion. The battle of Lake George was important in preventing the French from 
advancing to Albany and then down the Hudson to New York, and like that of 
Saratoga decided a great War. "The American Victory of Lake George was 
not an isolated item of one campaign. It was more than a simple battle in an 
unbroken wilderness; it was a military achievement of the New England and New 
York yeomanry which saved themselves from destruction." In July, 1756, Johnson 
received from England a commission as Colonel, Agent and Sole Superintendent 
of all the afFairs of the Six Nations and other Northern Indians, accompanied 
with a salary of six hundred pounds per annum. 

In 1757 the Six Nations threatened to join with the French in Canada. John- 
son's great influence alone prevented this. At the close of July Montcalm reached 
the foot of Lake George and captured Fort William Henry on August 9th. The 
next day many of the English troops were massacred by the Indians of Mont- 
calm's command. The unfortunate affair completely destroyed the morale of 
the English troops. In 1759 Johnson succeeded in winning over a large number 
of the Indians. After the fall of Quebec, 1761, the Indians deserted the French, 
and Sir William Johnson " maintained a good understanding between the Governors 
and the Confederates." 

In 1760 the Mohawks of Canajoharie presented Johnson with a large tract 
of land, about sixty-six thousand acres, for which Johnson insisted that the Indians 
should receive from him the sum of $12,000. The King granted the land to Johnson 
in June, 1769. 

On July 7, 1774, nearly six hundred Indians met in council. On the nth, 
after Johnson's speech, he was taken ill, and died early in the evening. The 



6 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

funeral took place on Wednesday the 13th, attended by over two thousand. The 
next morning a most impressive service was held by " The Chiefs of the Six Na- 
tions." "Thus closed this affecting ceremonial, affecting because the last and 
only tribute which the faithful Iroquois had it in their power to pay to the memory 
of him who for upwards of forty years had been their steadfast friend and bene- 
factor." 

"A man who from a humble origin could rise by his own exertions to a position 
in which from the backwoods of America he controlled the British Parliament was 
of no ordinary mould." Perhaps to no man did the Colony of New York owe 
more than to Sir William Johnson. His control of the Six Nations allowed the 
development of the Colony to proceed, and aided the British Crown toward its 
success against the French. 

Extinction of the French Empire in North America. 

On July 6, 1758, the English under General Abercrombie assembled an army 
of over fifteen thousand at Fort William Henry, Lake George. The French 
under General Montcalm held Fort Ticonderoga at the lower end of the lake. 
July 15th Abercrombie's army under command of Lord Howe attempted to capture 
the French. The battle took place the following day, when the English met 
with a most disastrous defeat. Lord Howe was killed early in the engagement. 
The soldiers from lack of proper guides became lost in the wilderness, where many 
were either killed or captured. The English were successful on the St. Lawrence, 
and General Gage was sent to take command of Oswego and Niagara. 

On September 13, 1759, was fought the battle of the "Plains of Abraham," 
the French under command of Montcalm and the English under General Wolfe. 
Both commanders were mortally wounded and an empire passed from the Frertch 
to the English. On September 8, 1760, articles of capitulation were signed by 
which Canada and all its dependencies passed into the hands of England, and 
Canada became the fourteenth colony. 

"On the 10th of February, 1763, at Paris was signed the treaty that recog- 
nized the extinction of the French Empire in the North America." This treaty 
marks an epoch in the history of America as well as in that of England and France. 
To the latter it was a period of humiliation, not only in the loss of colonies upon 
which for nearly a century she had expended vast sums without any adequate 
return, but also in the frustration of her purpose of gaining sole possession of the 
Continent." — William Chamberlain. 



CAUSE OF THE REVOLUTION. 

*HE French and Indian War was indirectly the cause of our Revo- 
' lution. England rightly considered the Colonies had been most 
benefited; therefore they should assist in defraying a part of the 
great expense the war had caused. It was proposed the same 
should be collected by a tax. The total amount expended by 
England was £72,110,000, and charged against the Colonies as 
_ follows: pounds sterling, Massachusetts, 818,000; Rhode Island, 
80,000; New Hampshire, 18,000; Connecticut, 259,000; New York, 291,000; New 
Jersey, 204,000; Pennsylvania, 313,000; Maryland, 39,000; Virginia, 385,000; 
North Carolina, 30,000; South Carolina, 90,000; Georgia, 1,000; or a total of about 
£25,280,000, a very small percentage of the vast amount expended. Numerous 
acts of Parliament were passed, only to meet with strong opposition by the Colonies, 
especially Massachusetts and New York, culminating in the demonstration against 
the Stamp Act of 1765, and resulting in its repeal. 





From an Old Print 



Property of New York Public Library 



CITY HALL, 1699 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 7 

In New York a Society called "Sons of Liberty," composed of many of our 
best citizens, was formed about 1764, devoted to the cause of liberty. A con- 
troversy arose between the soldiers stationed in the city and the citizens over 
the right of establishing a Liberty Pole on the Common (now City Hall Park), 
the "Sons of Liberty" espousing the cause of the citizens. Between 1766 and 
1770 numerous Liberty Poles were erected, only to be cut down by the soldiers. 
On January 18 and 19, 1770, occurred a riot on Golden Hill, covering the inter- 
section of William and John Streets, during which a number were badly wounded. 
(While it is claimed one citizen was killed, we can find no authority for the state- 
ment.) The "Sons of Liberty" were successful in driving off the soldiers and 
protecting the pole. This was the so-called " Battle of Golden Hill, — the first 
bloodshed of the Revolution, — and it antedated the famous "Boston Massacre" 
by more than six weeks! 




COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE. 

'T has been truthfully said: "As a starting-point we may take 
November 2, 1772, and say that for all practical purposes the 
Committee of Correspondence began its life as a local institution 
of the Revolution." To the town of Boston belongs the honor of 
first calling for the Colonies to form Committees of Correspon- 
dence, "To state the Rights of the Colonists and of this Province 
in Particular as men, as Christians, and as subjects, and to com- 
municate and publish the same to the several Towns in this Province and to the 
World as the sense of this Town, with the infringements and violations thereof, 
requesting of each Town a free Communication of their sentiments on these 
subjects." 

The great importance of these Committees of Correspondence has been over- 
looked by historians, and yet as "a piece of revolutionary machinery their value 
can hardly be overestimated." Their meetings were held almost daily, at times 
lasting well into the night; their members served without compensation, knowing 
that should the Revolution be unsuccessful their property and perhaps their lives 
would be forfeited. From 1764 until 1774 tne Colonies had no unity of purpose 
other than in some manner to prevent taxation. After the "Tea Parties" of 
Boston and New York, Boston was called upon to pay for the tea its citizens had de- 
stroyed, and a blockade of the harbor was threatened. Boston called, May 13, 
1774, on her sister Colonies for their "Advice on a case of such extensive conse- 
quences." There was a large diversity of opinion among the Colonies, many 
agreeing with Boston for a non-importation-non-exportation agreement. New. 
York had appointed a large Committee of Fifty-one. At a meeting held May 23d 
in the long room of the Merchants Coffee House, southeast corner of Wall and 
Water Streets, a special committee, consisting of Isaac Low, chairman, Alex- 
ander McDougall, James Duane, and John Jay was appointed, "to prepare a 
draft of a letter in answer to those received from Boston." 

This letter, one of the most important ever written, as it solved the questions 
that confronted the Colonies for nearly ten years, brought about the first Congress 
of the Colonies, held at Philadelphia in 1774 and called the "United Colonies of 
North America." Yet histories have failed to give a copy of this important letter 
while but few have even so much as mentioned either the letter or the names of 
those who signed it. But it resulted in the foundation of a great nation. On 
every occasion when permissible this letter should be published, and at least 
once a year it should be read in every school in our country. It was written by 
John Jay late in the afternoon of May 23, 1774, during the excitements per- 
taining to the first meeting of our large Committee of Correspondence, in a room 
in the old Coffee House, and sanctioned by men fully aware of the great personal 
danger awaiting them should the cause of Liberty fail, but for all that firmly ad- 



8 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

vocating the importance of unity. "The Cause is general," they declare, "and 
concerns a whole Continent who are equally interested with you. and us, and we 
foresee that no Remedy can be of avail, unless it proceeds from the joint Act 
and Approbation of all." 



A True Copy of the Famous Letter. 

New York., May 23rd, 1774. 
Gentlemen: 

The alarming Measures of the British Parliament relative to your ancient and 
respectable Town, which has so long been the Seat of Freedom, fills the Inhabitants 
of this City with inexpressible Concern; as a Sister Colony suffering in Defence 
of the Rights of America, we consider your Injuries as a common Cause, to the 
Redress of which it is equally our Duty and our Interest to contribute. But what 
ought to be done in a Situation so truly critical, while it employs the anxious 
Thoughts of every generous Mind, is very hard to be determin'd. Our Citizens 
have thought it necessary to appoint a large Committee consisting of fifty-one 
Persons to correspond with our Sister Colonies on this and every other Matter 
of publick Moment: and at ten O'Clock this Forenoon we were first assembled. 
Your Letter enclosing the Vote of the Town of Boston, and the Letter of your 
Committee of Correspondence were immediately taken into Consideration. While 
we think you justly entitled to the Thanks of your Sister Colonies for asking their 
Advice on a Case of such extensive Consequences, we lament our Inability to 
relieve your Anxiety by a decisive Opinion. The Cause is general and concerns a 
whole Continent who are equally interested with you and us; and we foresee that 
no Remedy can be of avail, unless it proceeds from the joint Act and Approbation 
of all. From a virtuous and spirited Union much may be expected: while the 
feeble Efforts of a few will only be attended with Mischief and Disappointment to 
themselves, and Triumph to the Adversaries of our Liberty. Upon these Rea- 
sons we conclude that a Congress of Deputies from the Colonies in general is 
of the utmost Moment; that it ought to be assembled without Delay and some 
unanimous Resolutions formed in this fatal Emergency, not only respecting your 
deplorable Circumstances, but for the Security of our common Rights. Such 
being our Sentiments it must be premature to pronounce any Judgment on the 
Expedient which you have suggested. We beg however that you will do us the 
fustice to believe that we shall continue to act with a firm and becoming Regard 
to American Freedom, and to co-operate with our Sister Colonies in every Measure 
which shall be thought salutary and conducive to the publick Good. 

We have Nothing to add, but that we sincerely condole with you in your 
unexampled Distress; and to request your speedy Opinion of the proposed Con- 
gress, that if it should meet with your Approbation, we may exert our utmost 
Endeavours to carry it into Execution. 

We are with much Respect, Gentlemen 

Your most Hbl. Servants 
By Order of the Committee, 

Isaac Low, Chairman, 

To the Committee of 
Correspondence 
In Boston 

First Constitutional Post-Office. 

In 1774 the Committees of Correspondence found it difficult, "owing to their 
letters being lost," through the carelessness of the government post-riders, to ob- 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 9 

tain expressions of opinion from their sister Colonies. "They were obliged to 
send their letters by friends of the cause who could be trusted." William Goddard, 
"a newspaper man" who had been surveyor of roads and Controller of the Post- 
Office under Benjamin Franklin, went before several of the Committees, urging 
the importance of a Constitutional Post-Office. Travelling through the Colonies 
he had found a great need of such an office. The Boston Committee strongly 
favored Goddard's scheme and was in correspondence with the other Commit- 
tees, but had made little headway. 



From "History of Philadelphia." 

In October, 1774, about the time that the First Continental Congress was in 
session, encouraged by the spirit which prevailed in the Colonies, an attempt was 
made to set up an independent post-office establishment. William Goddard, who 
was the publisher of the Pennsylvania Chronicle, established a post-office at the 
Coffee House, southwest corner of Front and Market Streets. "At a meeting 
of Merchants about 1774 his plan was proposed for their acceptance and they 
listened to some of his letters setting forth the merits of his scheme, but they 
refused to listen to the rest of them, declaring that Americans had their hands 
full without setting up a post." He established his route between Philadelphia 
and New York and perhaps to other points, and placed his post-office at the London 
Coffee House, where it was opened for a short time, but soon closed for want of 
patronage. John Holt, who published the New-York Journal, took the matter up 
and successfully established the first Constitutional Post-Office. 



From New-York Journal, May 29, 1775. 

"A Constitutional Post-Office is now kept at J. Holt's Printing Office in 
Water Street, near the Coffee House, where letters are received and carefully 
despatched by riders who may be depended upon for faithful performances of 
duty, and execution of the most important trusts that business may require, and 
as none but men of property and approved character will be employed. The 
Posts for Philadelphia and the southwestern Colonies set out about eight o'clock 
every Monday and Thursday morning and proceed that day through the towns 
of Newark, Elizabethtown, Rahway, Woodbridge, Piscataway and Brunswick to 
Princeton where they must meet and exchange mail with the Posts from Phila- 
delphia who pass through Frankfort, Bristol, Trenton and Maidenhead. These 
posts the next day (Tuesday) return with the mails to the above post-office in 
New York and to Mr. Bradford's at the Coffee House in Philadelphia, from whence 
other Posts set out for the westward and eastward at the usual times. Those 
from New York for the eastward set out about nine o'clock and return to New 
York with the eastern mails on Wednesday and Saturday. The rates of postage for 
the present are the same that they used to be under the unconstitutional post- 
office, and accounts are carefully kept of all the money received from letters as 
well as expended on riders, etc. That wmere the rates and rules are affixed and 
offices regularly established throughout the British Colonies by each Provincial 
and by the Continental Congress what shall be done before that time may be 
taken into the account and properly adjusted." 



Rates of Postage. 

The time for the mails between New York and Philadelphia was about three 
days. The postage was calculated according to distance. 



IOO 


a << << 


8 d. 


200 


{( an 


ioj^d. 


3OO 


" i-s— 


1 d. 


4OO 
5OO 
60O 


" i-s— 
" i-s— 
" i-s— 


4 d. 

6Md. 
9 d. 


7OO 

Soo 
900 


" 2-S— 
" 2-S — 
" 2-S— 


2^d. 

5 d. 


1000 


" 2-S— 


8 d. 



10 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK- 

"It is further Resolved that the Rates and Duties for Postage be as follows: 

For any distance — not exceeding 60 Miles o-s — 53-^d. 
Upwards of 60 Miles not exceeding 

" 100 " " 
" 200 " " 

" 3°° " " 

400 

" 500 " " 

" 600 " " 

" 700 " " 

" 800 " " 

" 900 " " 

The above is to be paid in lawful money of this Colony and for the postage of a 
Single letter. They are doubled for all Doubled Letters, tribbled for all Trebbled 
Letters, and for every ounce weight four times as much as charged for a single 
letter." 

Holt in the mean time wrote the New York Provincial Congress asking that 
they recommend him for the position of Postmaster. On a vote being taken 
Ebenezer Hazard was selected and by the Continental Congress made Postmaster. 

Sebastine Beaumann, Second Postmaster of New York, succeeded William 
Bedlow in 1786 (after the Evacuation by the English). When Washington became 
President, 1789, he appointed Beaumann, who then became the First Postmaster 
under the New Constitution. He retained the office until 1803, when he was 
succeeded by Josiah Ten Eyck. In this connection it is of interest to note that 
the first Postmaster-General of the United States, Samuel Osgood, appointed by 
President Washington, made his headquarters in Mr. Beaumann's office in our 
city. Thus it is seen that not only the first Continental, but also the first United 
States, Post-Ofnce was established here in New York. 




THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 

'OT only was this the most important of the Revolution, but on 
its termination depended the fate of a new nation. To the 
English and Loyalist writers the importance is most fully ac- 
knowledged, that to New York State the full glory of its successful 
ending is due. We put before our readers a very few of the 
actual facts which prove conclusively the terrible condition of 
_ our country just prior to the battle of Saratoga, when our 
State was largely deserted by the others, and carried on the campaign till just 
before the battles of Bennington and Oriskany. The suffering of our State, 
the great effort made to save the Union, the pathetic appeals for assistance, are 
matters of unwritten history. The Public Papers of George Clinton, first Governor 
of New York, published by the State, contain a history of New York during the 
Revolution in a manner that should stir the enthusiastic pride of every patriotic 
citizen. 

As the accounts as written by General C. Stedman (1794), William Edward 
Hartpole Lecky, M.P., Henry Belcher, Egberton Ryerson, — English historians, — 
and by James H. Stark and A. C. Flick writing from an English-American stand- 
point so fully coincide with the conclusions to be drawn from the Clinton Papers, 
it becomes difficult to surmise where some of our historians obtained their data. 
One of the first battles of the Revolution was the attempt to capture Quebec, 
December 31, 1775, by the Continental troops under the immediate command of 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK u 

General Richard Montgomery, who was killed while leading a charge. General 
Montgomery was a resident of Rheinbeck on the Hudson and son-in-law of Robert 
R. Livingston. Congress erected a monument in his memory, January 25, 1776, 
in the east front of St. Paul's Chapel, New York City. After the battle General 
Montgomery was buried at Quebec; not until 1818 was his body disinterred, re- 
moved to New York, and placed beneath the monument. The name of Mont- 
gomery stands with those of Wolfe and Montcalm, the heroes of Quebec. 

The campaign of 1777 should date from May 10 and 11, 1775, with the capture 
of the first forts from the English, Ticonderoga and Crown Point, by Colonel Allen 
and the Green Mountain Boys, who were at this time enlisted in the New York 
Militia and under command of General Clinton. From a strategical point the 
capture was of great importance, occurring but a few days after Lexington, and 
a month before the Battle of Bunker Hill; in fact had it not been for the arms 
and ammunition sent to Boston there would have been no such battle. Yet his- 
torians give but little importance to Ticonderoga and Crown Point, while volumes 
have been written about Lexington and Bunker Hill, which from other than a 
sentimental point were of no military importance. 

"I shall send to Cambridge the 24-pounders 12- and 6-pounders, howitzers, &c, 
as directed by Colonel Gridley. Four brass howitzers in the edge of the Lake, 
and covered with water, cannot be come at at present" — (Benedict Arnold, 
American Archives, 4th Series, Vol. II, p. 646). 




FIRST CONTINENTAL NAVY— 1776. 

O our State belongs the honor of the first Continental Navy. 
The Seven Years' War had fully demonstrated the importance of 
Lake Champlain as the gateway to the Hudson. At about the 
same time as that of Fort Ticonderoga, Benedict Arnold captured 
a British sloop from Philip Skene at Skenesborough (Whitehall, 
N. Y.), and renamed it "Liberty." This was the only ship in the 
Royal Navy on Lake Champlain and the first captured by the 
patriots, and heads a glorious list. General Benedict Arnold wrote to Washington, 
June 23, 1776: "It now appears to me of the utmost importance that the Lakes 
be immediately secured by a large number (at least twenty or thirty) of Gondolas, 
row galleys and the floating batteries." During July and August, 1776, Skenes- 
borough (now Whitehall) at the head of Lake Champlain was the scene of the 
greatest naval activity. The battle of Lake Champlain. 

October 11-12-13-1776. — " Although most decisively defeated in the battle 
upon the Lake, Arnold had delayed the advance of the British some two or three 
months while they were obtaining a naval superiority. This delay had far-reach- 
ing consequences. Carleton now found the season too late to pursue his ad- 
advantage and to make or attempt to make a junction with Howe to the South- 
ward. He therefore soon returned to winter quarters at Montreal" — ("Navy of 
the Revolution"). 

"It has been strikingly said by Captain Mahan that Arnold's and Carleton's 
naval campaign on Lake Champlain was a 'Strife of Pigmys for the Prize of a 
Continent.' Although the American flotilla was wiped out, never had any force 
big or small lived to better purpose or died more gloriously, 'for it had saved the 
Lake for that year'" — ("Navy of the Revolution"). 

"Consider General Arnold as one of the best Naval Commanders of the age, 
an opinion that even British historians agree with. Arnold was more of a sailor 
than a general, and, had he gone into the Navy, would have vied with John Paul 
Jones for the glory of being the Father of the Navy" — (Admiral Colby M. Ches- 
ter, U.S.N., retired). 



12 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

"In their first appointments of the Committee [Naval] it takes no eagle eye 
to discover the workings of Nepotism and Sectional influence. Of the five largest 
Naval plums New England plucked four. Ezek Hopkins, commander-in-chief of 
fleet, salarv #125 per month. He was a brother of Stephen Hopkins of the Naval 
Committee" — ("Narrative and Critical History of the United States," by Justin 
Winsor, Librarian of Harvard University; Corresponding Secretary, Massachu- 
setts Historical Society). 

In the fall of 1776 the number of American seamen and marines was about 
3,000; British, about 18,000. 

"In the significance of these results the operations of no other naval armament 
of the Americans during the Revolution compares with these of Arnold's fleet on 
Lake Champlain in the fall, 1776" — (Dr. Henry Belcher). 

An Account of the Naval Battle of Lake Champlain. 
By General C. Stedman, 1794. 

For General Carleton in dispossessing the enemy at Crown Point and Ticon- 
deroga and in securing the possession of Lakes George and Champlain had not 
only in view the clearing the frontiers of Canada, but of opening a communication 
with the Northern and middle Colonies which he conceived he could then invade 
at will. Besides, by possessing Hudson's River, he knew that he should be able to 
co-operate with General Howe and to afford him assistance in case of emergency — 
the Southern would be separated from the Northern Provinces. The latter, of 
course, would be under the necessity of sustaining the attack of two armies, or of 
yielding to such terms as should be imposed upon them, leaving the Southern 
Colonies to continue the war alone. Nor could General Washington then hold 
the possession of the Jerseys unless he chose to expose himself to the disadvan- 
tageous predicament of encountering a superior army in front and the Canadian 
forces in his rear. 

The English fleet was ready to oppose the enemy at Lake Champlain. It 
consisted of the following vessels: the "Inflexible," mounting eighteen twelve- 
pounders, which vessel had been " re-constructed " at St. John's in twenty-eight days 
after her keel had been laid down; one schooner mounting fourteen and another 
twelve six-pounders; a flat-bottomed batteau carrying six twenty-four pounders 
and the same number of twelve-pounders, besides howitzers; and one gondola with 
seven nine-pounders. Twenty smaller vessels, called gunboats, carried either 
brass field-pieces or howitzers; some long-boats served as transports for the 
troops, baggage, warlike stores, provisions, and all the necessaries for the army, 
that, under convoy of the shipping, was to be conveyed across the lakes. This 
fleet was commanded by Captain Pringle, an active and brave officer, who had 
under his command seven hundred seamen. The army embarked in the batteaux, 
which were ordered to keep in the rear as soon as they had entered Lake Champlain, 
in order that the fleet might reconnoitre the situation of the enemy. 

The force which the Americans had to oppose, this armament was in every re- 
spect unequal. Their vessels were neither so well constructed nor so well fur- 
nished with necessaries as those of the English; besides, they were inferior in point 
of number, the fleet amounting to fifteen vessels of different kinds, consisting of two 
schooners, one sloop, one cutter, three galleys, and eight gondolas. 

Colonel Arnold, who had acquired much fame before Quebec, was honored 
with the command of it. 

On the nth of October the British fleet discovered that of the enemy, very 
advantageously posted off* the island of Valicour, with an intention of defending 
the passage between that island and the western main. A schooner and some 
gunboats, being considerably ahead of the rest of the fleet, began the engagement, 
which was continued for some hours on both sides with intrepidity. Unfortunately 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 13 

the "Inflexible" and other ships of force could not advance near enough to take 
part in the engagement on account of the unfavorableness of the wind. For this 
reason Captain Pringle, having consulted General Carleton. thought it advisable 
to order those that were engaged to sheer off for the present and discontinue the 
action. 

In this attack the largest of the enemy's ships were forced ashore, and one 
of their gondolas sunk. Night coming on, the enemy retired into Cumberland 
Bay, and Captain Pringle, in order to prevent their retreat, formed the British 
fleet into a line as near the entrance of the Bay as possible. Arnold, who was 
fully sensible of the insufficiency of his strength, determined to take advantage 
of the darkness of the night and retreat to Crown Point. This determination, 
notwithstanding the proximity of the British fleet, he was enabled to execute 
in part. 

He retired out of the Bay undiscovered, and on the morning of the 12th 
of October was out of sight. The British fleet immediately followed him, and 
the wind proving favorable on the 13th he was overtaken a few leagues from Crown 
Point. Unable to avoid an engagement, Arnold resolved to conduct it with his 
wonted intrepidity and resolution. About noon the engagement commenced 
on both sides and continued with great fury for two hours. Several of Arnold's 
fleet then left him and retreated with great speed to Ticonderoga. Arnold, how- 
ever, refused to follow their pusillanimous example, and with the remnant of 
his fleet still continued to resist the attack of the British with unabated intrepidity. 
At length victory decided against him. His second largest galley called the 
"Washington," commanded by Brigadier-General Waterby, after a desperate 
resistance was at length forced to strike its colors. Finding that all his efforts 
would be ineffectual, he resolved to retreat. But even in this situation he dis- 
played a magnanimity of courage that was astonishing. Though reduced to the 
necessity of bending under superior power, he resolved that neither his men nor 
his vessels should be taken. The " Congress " galley which he commanded and five 
other gondolas were run aground by his orders and, as soon as the men landed, 
burnt down to the water's edge. He remained himself on board his own ship 
till she was set fire to in several places, in order that his flag might not be struck 
by the English. 




BURGOYNE'S CAMPAIGN. 

'N the Campaign of 1777 it was planned that General Burgoyne 
should invade New York from the North and that Howe should 
meet him from the South. At the same time Col. St. Leger, with 
Sir John Johnson and his Loyalists, and Captain Brant and his 
Indians, was to descend the Mohawk to meet them. The Loyal- 
ists were jubilant at this plan and boasted that they alone could 
capture New York. At last the Loyalists of the Hudson Valley 
were to have an opportunity to prove this loyalty. As Burgoyne approached 
Albany hundreds of Loyalists joined him. Col. Skeene with all the forces he 
could raise fought under British standards. Oriskany was a battle between 
brothers, fathers, sons, and neighbors. In this "fratricidal butchery" most of the 
males of the Mohawk Valley perished. Seventy-five hundred Loyalist troops 
in New York State flocking from the other Colonies. — ("Loyalism in New York," 
by A. C. Flick, Ph.D.). 

"July 1st, 1777. — Burgoyne started with about 8,000 men. On the 25th 
of March General Schuyler had been relieved from command, but was reinstated 
in May, finally presenting his case before Congress. He returned to his head- 
quarters at Albany on the 3rd of June and at once tendered to General Gates the 



i 4 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

command of Ticonderoga as the most exposed and most honourable post within 
the department. That officer declined the command. It was his purpose to 
obtain the command of the department itself and his correspondence is impregnated 
with the spirit of jealous aspirations. While urging that Albany should but be 
retained as headquarters he wrote, 'If General Schuyler is solely to possess all 
power, all the intelligence and that particular favourite, the Military chest, and 
constantly reside in Albany, I cannot with any peace of mind serve at Ticonderoga.' 
Gates had accomplished nothing of real value in the preparation of the Lake 
Ports for defense during the two months he had been in command of the depart- 
ment, and was still at Albany when Schuyler returned. He had made a requisition 
upon Washington for tents, and when the Commander-in-chief replied, 'As the 
northern troops are hutted, the tents must be used for southern troops until a 
supply can be obtained,' he answered, 'Refusing this army what you have not in 
your power is one thing, but saying that this army has not the same necessities 
as the southern army is another. I can assure your Excellency the service of 
the northern army requires tents as much as any service I ever saw.' To Mr. 
Lovell of the New England Delegation he wrote, 'Either I am exceedingly dull or 
unreasonably jealous if I do not discover by the style and tenor of the letters 
from Morristown how little I have to expect from them. Generals are like Par- 
sons, they are all for Christening their own Children first; but let an impartial 
moderating power decide between us, and do not suffer southern prejudice to 
weigh heavier in the balance than the. northern.'" 

"On June ninth Gates took leave of absence and left the department. . . . Gen- 
eral Gates took command of the Northern Department Aug. 19, 1777. Congress 
clothed him with large powers and conceded to his demand all for which General 
Schuyler had in vain made requisitions. His communications were also made 
direct to Congress, over the head of the Commander-in-chief" — ("Battles of the 
Revolution," by Henry B. Carrington, M.A., LL.D., Colonel U.S.A.). 

"Schuyler in anticipation of Burgoyne's advance from the North .called 
for an army of 15,000 men with a further condition that the bulk of the troops 
should be men of the South, that is, Philadelphia or Virginia. His request was 
not granted; he was instructed to raise and equip locally as many regiments as 
possible. To his call the New England States turned a deaf ear. Their mutual ' 
jealousies and long-standing animosities, added to the antipathy entertained 
toward Schuyler personally, caused recruiting to be very slow and the quality 
of the recruits, officers as well as men, poor" — ("First American Civil War, First 
Period, 1775-1778," by Henry Belcher). 

Burgoyne's Proclamation, 1777. 

This proclamation is seldom given by historians; yet it explains largely why 
the lories who joined Burgoyne in his expedition from the north are said to have 
doubled his force and were the cause for nearly half of the American army desert- 
ing; of these two Massachusetts regiments deserted in a body. 

The Gentleman s Magazine and Historical Chronicle, \JJJ, pages 398-402, con- 
tains a very interesting account of the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
by General Burgoyne, in June, 1777. 

Proclamation — By John Burgoyne, Esq; &c. &c. 

Camp at Putnam Creek. 

June 29, 1777. 

"The forces entrusted to my command are designed to act in concert and upon 
a common principle with the numerous armies and fleets which already display 




;'^.i!,,„i $r _ sc^ i 

— i .• 




N i : vv 



H A M P s \u i it k 



S -J 




( -' v > ) \ Hinfrtf 



From an Old Print 

ALBANY TO CROWN POINT 

From New York State Historical Association Records, 

Vol. X 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 15 

in every quarter of America the power, the justice, and, when properly fought, 
the mercy of the King. . . . 

"Animated by those considerations, at the head of troops in the full powers 
of health, discipline and valour, determined to strike where necessary and anxious 
to spare where possible, 1 by these presents invite and exhort all persons in all 
places where the progress of this army may point; and, by the blessing of God, 
I will extend it far to maintain such a conduct as may justify me in protecting 
their lands habitations and families. The intention of this address is to hold 
forth security, not depreciation, to the country. 

"To those whom spirit and principle may induce to partake the glorious task 
of redeeming their countrymen from dungeons, and re-establishing the blessing 
of legal government, I offer encouragement and employment; and, upon the 
first intelligence of their associations, I will find means to assist their undertakings. 

"The domestic, the industrious, the infirm, and even the timid inhabitants, 
I am desirous to protect, provided they remain quietly at their houses; that they 
do not suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be secreted 
or destroyed; that they do not break up their bridges or roads, nor by any other 
acts directly or indirectly endeavour to obstruct the operations of the King's 
troops, or supply or assist those of the enemy. 

"Every species of provision brought to my camp will be paid for at an equitable 
rate, and in solid coin. In consciousness of Christianity, my Royal Master's 
clemency, and the honour of soldiership, I have dwelt upon this invitation, and 
wished for more persuasive terms to give it impression; and let not people be led 
to disregard it by considering their distance from the immediate situation of 
my camp. I have but to give stretch to the Indian forces under my direction, 
and they amount to thousands, to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britain 
and America. I consider them the same, wherever they may lurk. 

"If, notwithstanding these endeavours and sincere inclination to effect them, 
the phrenzy of hostility should remain, I trust I shall stand acquitted, in the eyes 
of God and man, in denouncing and executing the vengeance of the State against 
the wilful outcasts. 

"The messengers of justice and of wrath await them in the field; and devas- 
tation, famine, and every concomitant horror that a reluctant but indispensible 
prosecution of military duty must occasion, will bar the way to their return." 

From Washington's Counter Proclamation to that of General Burgoyne. 

"To all Americans as well as Indian Chiefs," one paragraph is worthy a space 
in all records as a noble expression of character, consistency and faith: 

"Harassed as we are by unrelenting persecution, obliged by every tie to 
repel violence by force, urged by self-preservation to exert the strength which 
Providence has given us to defend our Natural rights against the aggressor, we 
appeal to the hearts of all mankind for the justice of our Cause. Its events we 
leave to Him who speaks the fate of Nations, in humble confidence that as His 
Omniscient Eye taketh note even of a sparrow that falleth to the ground, so 
He will not withdraw his Countenance from a people who humbly array them- 
selves under His Banner in defence of the noblest principles with which He has 
adorned Humanity." 

Letter from General Washington to Governor Clinton. 

"Headquarters. 
"Camp Middle Brook, July 1, 1777. 
"From intelligence just received from the Northward, there can be little 
doubt that the enemy are operating against Ticonderoga and its dependencies, 



16 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

and from the evacuation of the Jerseys, and the reason of the thing itself, there 
can be little room to doubt that General Howe will co-operate with the northern 
army, and make a sudden descent upon Peekskill in order, if possible, to get pos- 
session of the passes, before the troops to defend them can be reinforced by this 
army. Indeed I am this moment informed that all the enemy's tents were struck 
today at 8 O'clock, and it is supposed that they have all embarked as the ships 
have all sailed out of Prince's Bay, where they lay, so that you may probably 
have a very hasty visit. The urgency of the occasion, and the necessity of em- 
ploying all the resources to baffle the first attempts of the enemy, obliges me to 
request in the strongest terms, that you will exert yourself to call forth a respect- 
able body of militia of your State, to strengthen the force at Peekskill and its 
appendages. No time should be lost in doing this; the call is to the last degree 
pressing; and the least delay may be productive of the most fatal consequences. 
Let every nerve be strained to forward your preparations, and put you in the best 
posture of defence possible. I am, d'r sir, 

"Your most obdt. servt. 

"George Washington." 

"General Burgoyne met with but little resistance. Gen. St. Clair abandoned 
Fort Ticonderoga, July 6th, retreating to Fort Edward, from which place the 
American forces retired, crossing the Hudson River at Saratoga, falling back to 
Stillwater. On this day Burgoyne reached the Hudson." "Mr. E. F. deLancey 
states that in July Schuyler had only 2500 men under him at Ft. Edward and 
that after the Americans retreated from Ticonderoga his numbers increased by 
the retreating force (Gen. St. Clair) were only 4500, of whom 2500 were Conti- 
nentals or regulars and the rest militia; of these two Massachusetts regiments 
deserted in a body" — (Belcher). 

"The Tories who joined Burgoyne in his expedition from the North are 
said to have doubled his force" — (From "The Loyalists of America and Their 
Times," by Egberton Ryerson, D.D., LL.D., Chief Superintendent of Education 
of Upper Canada, 1 844-1 876). 

The Fall of Ticonderoga. 

"Albany, July 7th, 1777. 
Sir: 

"'Both Ticonderoga and Mount Independence are in the enemy's possession. 
Part of our troops are at Skenesborough to which place the enemy have pursued. 
It is therefore now become necessary that every man of the militia should turn 
out and without a moment's delay; you will therefore issue your orders accord- 
ingly, and hope to see you with them.'" The foregoing is an extract of a letter I 
have just received this moment from General Schuyler, dated this day from Still- 
water on his way to the northward, and do myself the honour to transmit you. 
I have only time to add, that agreeably to his requisition, I have issued my orders 
for the whole militia of my brigade to march to Fort Edward with all possible 
expedition, and to submit to you the necessity of leaving part thereof, and what 
number you judge will be requisite at this place; as we are surrounded with dis- 
affected persons and have about one hundred confined in the jail of this city. 

"I am, sir, 

"Your most obdt. servant, 

"Abm. Ten Broeck. 
" Honble. Pierre Van Cortlandt." 

From Stillwater, July 7th, 1777, Schuyler wrote Van Cortlandt: 
"I have not a doubt but that a very considerable part of the garrisons of 
Ticonderoga and Mount Independence are in the enemy's hands. I have not 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 17 

above seven hundred Continental troops, and I fear not twice that number of 
militia, to oppose the enemy, and not a single piece of artillery. In this situation 
my prospect is not very agreeable. I wish for all the militia from every quarter to 
come up with all expedition. If the Council of Safety, or at least a part of it, 
were immediately to repair to Albany, it might have a good effect, as I have hardly 
anybody to assist me." 

This communication from Pierre Van Cortlandt, president of the Council, to 
Governor Trumbull of Connecticut reads as follows: 

"Sir: 

"The Council of Safety had directed me to transmit to your Excellency 
the enclosed extract of a letter from Major General Schuyler. The Condition 
of the northeastern department has become alarming and critical. The evacuation 
of Ticonderoga was a very unexpected event, and has been attended with an 
unhappy influence on our affairs. The people are disgusted, disappointed and 
alarmed. The Council are constrained to observe that it is not in their power to 
afford General Schuyler much aid. Five counties of this State are in the possession 
of the enemy; three others are disunited by malcontents who meditate a revolt and 
are attempting to avail themselves of the present troubles, to advance their in- 
terested purposes, insomuch that all order of government has ceased among them. 
Of the remaining six counties, a third part of the militia of three of them, namely 
Orange, Ulster and Dutchess, have been in actual service since last May and are 
yet in the field. Westchester has been so harassed by the incursions of the 
enemy from New York, that during the last winter, and almost ever since, their 
militia have been obliged to provide for their own defense. A third part of the 
County of Tryon are ordered to embody without delay; and a considerable pro- 
portion of Albany are already marched or marching to the fields; add to this the 
number of inhabitants constantly employed on the communications in transporta- 
tions and the still greater number who are tempted by prospects of ease or profit 
have quitted this invaded State, and sought inglorious ease among our more peace- 
ful neighbors and your Excellency will perceive how greatly our strength is ex- 
hausted. Heaven has blessed us with a plentiful harvest, and it deserved con- 
sideration that other States besides this will be affected by the loss of it. It is 
unnecessary to observe to your Excellency that the destruction of this State will 
bring the horrors of war to the doors of many who now seem idle spectators of it. 
We hope that the State of Massachusetts Bay will on this occasion exert herself 
in a manner becoming to the character she has heretofore sustained, in the scale of 
American importance, and that New York will not be left unsupported in this day 
of trials" — (From the "Journal of the Council of Safety). 

The Sad Condition of Gen. Schuyler's Army. 

Moses Creek, four miles below Fort Edward. 

July 24th, 1777. 

"Sir — It is with great pain that I am under the disagreeable necessity of 
advising you that our affairs in this quarter daily put on a more gloomy aspect. 
It was evident that, if we had not consented to suffer part of the militia to return 
to their habitations, in all probability we should lose the whole. It was therefore 
resolved in full council of general officers, that half should be permitted to leave 
us, provided the others would remain three weeks. These conditions were ac- 
cepted by them, and one thousand and forty-six, officers included, the militia of 
this state, remained; but not above three hundred out of twelve of those from the 
County of Berkshire in the State of Massachusetts, and out of about five hundred 
from the County of Hampshire in the same state, only twenty-nine commissioned 
and non-commissioned officers and thirty-four privates are left, the remainder 
having infamously deserted, and out of one hundred from Connecticut, who had, 



i8 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

like those from Hampshire, just arrived here, very few, if any, remain; and part of 
that half which remained from this State; so that we have not now above thirteen 
hundred militia on the ground. I wish we had the most distant prospect to 
detain one half of these about five or six days. Our Continental force is between 
twenty-seven and twenty-eight hundred; with this small body we have to encounter 
a more numerous body of the enemy, well appointed, flushed with success, and 
daily increasing by the acquisition of tories. 

"Happy I should still be, in some degree, if I could close the melancholy 
tale here; but every letter I receive from the County of Tryon, advises me that 
the inhabitants of it will lay down their arms, unless I support them with Con- 
tinental troops. From what I have said, you will see the impossibility of my 
complying with their request. The district of Schohary has also pointedly in- 
timated, that unless Continental troops are sent them, they will also submit 
to the enemy. Should it be asked what line of conduct I mean to hold amidst this 
variety of difficulties and distress I would answer to dispute every inch of ground 
with General Burgoyne and retard his descent into the Country as long as possible, 
without the least hopes of being able to prevent it ultimately, unless I am rein- 
forced from General Washington, or by a respectable body of the militia; the former 
I am advised I am not to have, and whence to procure the latter, I know not. 
I have written to the eastern states, but do not expect timely succours from thence. 
I must therefore look up to you; but though I am under the fullest conviction 
that you will readily afford me every aid in your power, yet I fear it cannot be 
much. In this situation you will be pleased to permit me to observe, that I 
think the Council of Safety ought to press General Washington for an immediate 
reinforcement of at least fifteen hundred good Continental troops. Those from 
our own state, if possible, if not, from any of the southern colonies; one thousand 
to reinforce me, and the remaining to be sent to Tryon County. That the most 
immediate and pressing application should be made by you to the Eastern 
States (Connecticut in particular from which we have not had above one hundred,) 
for a respectable body of militia; that part of what militia may come from thence 
be also sent to Tryon County, and part here; that the greatest number possible 
of the militia of this State should be sent both ways, and that it should be, in the 
strongest terms, recommended to the gentlemen of easy fortune to turn out. 
It is not only mortifying but extremely discouraging to the lower class, and preju- 
dicial to the public, to see so few men of note step forth when their Country is 
in danger. I may seem to labour under ideal apprehensions, I believe they are not 
so. They are found, on a reflection that if General Burgoyne can penetrate to 
Albany, the force which is certainly coming by the way of Oswego will find no 
difficulty in reaching the Mohawk River; and that being arrived there, they will 
be joined not by tories only, but every person that finds himself incapable of 
removing and wishes to make his peace with the enemy and that by the whole 
body of the Six Nations. These, forming a junction with Burgoyne, whilst General 
Howe presses up the River, it will either put General Washington between two 
fires or drive him to the necessity of filing off" into New England. These, Sir, 
are my conjectures. I sincerely wish they may never be realized, although I 
cannot think they are ill found. I have thus ventured freely to give my senti- 
ments. I hope they will not be thought to arise from a principle which would 
disgrace a soldier, I assure you they do not; and I hope my Countrymen will 
never have occasion to blush for me, whatever may be the event of the cam- 
paign " — (From the "Journal of the Council of Safety" and "Clinton Papers," 
Vol. II, p. 144). 

"There were soldiers of the Revolution who deserted in parties of twenty 
and thirty at a time, and several hundred of these who then abandoned the cause 
fled to Vermont and were among the early settlers of that State. A thousand 
men the date of whose enlistment had been misplaced perjured themselves in a 
body as fast as they could be sworn, in order to quit the ranks in which they had 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 19 

voluntarily enlisted" — ("Loyalists of the American Revolution," by Lorenzo 
Sabine. Vol. I, p. 118). 

Albany's Appeal. 

In every country, in every great war, there is always some event that is 
strikingly pathetic, standing out in its forecast so forcibly as to appear almost 
supernaturally inspired. The Albany Committee of Safety appeals to New 
England, August 1, 1777. While its words are almost pitiful, no language could 
express more forcibly the dangers our country was then facing. The prediction 
of what would happen in case of defeat then most threatening has been fully 
confirmed by students of history. The reprimand for desertions as to commands 
most just. "Let us consider is this the time to divide ourselves? Are we now 
to censure our Generals and tamely to remain at home with our hands crossed?" 

John Adams wrote in 1777: "I am worried to death with the wrangles be- 
tween military officers high and low. They quarrel like cats and dogs. They 
worry one another like mastiffs, scrambling for rank and pay like apes for nuts"- 
(Lorenzo Sabine. Vol. I, pages 139-150). This is an absolute statement of 
just what was occurring at the time. The surrender of General Burgoyne at 
Saratoga confirmed exactly what would happen. "Let us entreat you dear 
Countrymen to step forth and make one glorious Effort to crush the base Invaders 
of your Country and transmit Inviolate to your Posterity the Freedom and 
Liberty that God and Nature have bestowed upon you." Never have we seen 
this most inspiring appeal published in our histories or even mentioned. Who 
wrote it is lost to history and yet his name should be engraved high on the roll of 
fame. 

Albany Appeals to New England. 

A pen-picture of the distress and horrors that would confront the Colonies 
were Burgoyne successful. 

"August 1st, 1777. 
"Sir: 

"The alarming situation of affairs to the Northward obliges us to call on you 
for the assistance that the Friends to America and Lovers of their Country ought 
to call on each for. At a time when New England was invaded, no means were 
left unessayed on our part to afford them every assistance in our power. Various 
were the difficulties the Friends to their Country in those parts had to encounter, 
surrounded by dependants on Government and their Emmissaries, our Vigorous 
exertions were necessary to effect the much desired Union with our Sister States; 
our arguments were grounded on the Unanimity, the Valour, the Virtue of New 
England; the Enemies of America were Crushed, our Influence had the desired 
effect — no Tory dared openly to speak or act unfriendly. Imprisonment or ban- 
ishment were the Consequences. 

"What arguments are we now to make use of? 

"Our Country is invaded; great part of our Militia have Turned out; but 
where are our Eastern Friends? What have we done to forfeit their esteem? 
Is our Country to be laid waste, all to be sacrificed at a time when it is in our power 
(if we will Unite) to crush the Invaders in such a manner that perhaps will prevent 
their making any future attempts ? Can you expect to remain in quiet, if we are 
destroyed? From the reciprocal Intercourse & Commerce between New England 
and this State, the fall of the one, will much distress the other! Admit that the 
evil was to stop here. Pray consider the great number of Savages that will Join 
them? Should they take possession of this City, we are apprehensive the dis- 
affected that will repair to them will not be few; the ravages will not Cease here; 



20 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

Our Sister States will feel in Turn. Those who can now quietly rest at home and 
hear of the Inhumanities Committed by those barbarians must be destitute of 
Feelings becoming the Virtuous, the free born and the brave. 

"We are informed that loud Complaints are made against the leaders of our 
Army. 

"Let us Consider, is this the Time to divide ourselves? Are we now to 
Censure our Generals and tamely to remain at home with our Hands crossed? 

"Are we not well assured that the Supreme Power of the Continent will call 
to account and severely punish such as have in any respect betrayed their Trust, 
or by their misconduct hurt their Country? We are well assured that could those 
prejudices subside, could we Unite with that Spirit becoming to Men who are 
determined to be free, who will not tamely suffer their wives to be ravished, their 
Children to be murdered and Scalped, their Properties to be seized and disposed 
of at the pleasure of Mercenaries & Savages, whose footsteps as they advance 
in our Country, are marked with unheard of Horrors and devastations in open 
Violations of the Laws of Civilized Nations, or the dictates of Humanity, we say, 
could we step forth determined not to submit to such Men and Measures, a more 
glorious opportunity never offered than the present. 

"The Enemy are now advanced to Fort Edward; our Army have retreated 
to Saratoga and brought their Stores, provisions, etc. with them, and to induce 
the Enemy to follow them farther in the Country, so that their Retreat may be 
cut off, if the People will but step forth they will in all probability retire to some 
advantageous Post, still nearer this City. 

"Let us entreat you, dear Countrymen, to step forth and make one glorious 
Effort to crush the base Invaders of your Country and Transmit, Involiate to 
your Posterity the Freedom and Liberty that God and Nature have bestowed 
upon you. 

"On our parts we are determined to leave no means unessayed to save our 
Country from ruin. No distress, no loss of Property shall ever Shake our attach- 
ment to so righteous, so just and so glorious a Cause. We renew our request 
to Every Tie of love to your Country by your wives, your posterity and that all 
that's dear and sacred to you, to unite and support the Cause you have so nobly 
and so long Contended for — ("Clinton Papers," Vol. II, p. 158). 

"The truth is, that although the circumstances of the New Englanders have 
developed to a high degree many of the qualities that are essential to a soldier, 
they have been unfavourable to others. To obey, to act together, to sacrifice 
private judgment to any authority, to acknowledge any superiors was wholly 
alien to their temperament and they know nothing of that passionate and all- 
absorbing enthusiasm which transforms the character, and raises men to an heroic 
height of patriotic self devotion. 

"A. C. Flick." 



Not Discouraged by Burgoyne's Success. 

Washington strives to quell alarm in New York State, deplores the apathy 
of New England, and expresses his faith to the Council of Safety. 

"Headquarters, Philadelphia, August 4, 1777. 
"Sir: 

"I have been duly honored with your several Favours of the 26th, 27th and 
30th of July. 

" I he Misfortune of Ticonderoga has produced a very disagreeable alteration 
in our Affairs, and has thrown a Gloom upon the favourable Prospect, which the 
Campaign, previous to that event afforded. But I am in great hopes the ill 



THE NEED OE A HISTORY OE NEW YORK 21 

consequences of it, will not continue to operate long and that the Jealousies and 
Alarms, which so sudden and unexpected an Accident has occasioned, in the 
Minds of the People both of your State and to the Eastward will shortly subside 
and give way to the more rational Dictates of self-preservation, and regard to the 
Common good. In fact, the worst effect of that disaster is that it has served' 
to create those Distrusts and apprehensions, for if the matter were coolly and 
dispassionately considered there would be found nothing so formidable in Mr. 
Burgoyne, and the force under him, with all his successes, as to countenance the 
least languor or despondency; and experience would show, that a tolerable degree 
of vigor in the States more immediately interested would be sufficient to check 
his career, and prehaps convert the advantages he has gained into his ruin. 

"But while People continue to view what has happened through the Medium 
of Supineness or fear, there is no saying to what length an enterprising genius may 
push his good Fortune. I have the fullest Confidence, that no endeavors of the 
Council will be omitted to bring your State (with the distresses of which I am 
sensibly affected) to every Effort it is Capable of making in its present mutilated 
Condition; and they may rely upon it, that no means in my power will be unem- 
ployed, to co-operate with them in repelling the Danger that threatens the State, 
and through it threatens the Continent. If I do not give so effectual Aid as might 
be wished to the Northern Army, it is not from want of inclination nor from being 
too little impressed with the importance of doing it, but because the State of affairs 
in this quarter will not possibly admit of it. It would be the height of impolicy 
to weaken ourselves too much here, in order to increase our strength there, and it 
must certainly be more difficult as well as of greater moment to control the main 
army of the Enemy, than an inferior, as I may say, dependent one; for it is pretty 
obvious if General Howe can be completely kept at Bay, and prevented effecting 
any capital purposes, the Successes of General Burgoyne whatever they may be, 
must be partial and temporary. 

"Nothing, that I can do, shall be wanting to rouse the Eastern States and 
excite them to those exertions, which the exigency of our affairs so urgently de- 
mands. I lament, that they have not yet done more — that so few of their militia 
have come into the field, and those few have been so precipitate in returning home, 
at this critical period. But I have nevertheless great reliance upon those States. 
I know that they are capable of powerful efforts. And their attachment to the 
Cause, notwithstanding they may be a little tardy, will not allow them long to 
withhold their aid, at a time, when, their own safety, that of a Sister State, and 
in a great measure, the Safety of the Continent calls for their greatest zeal and 
activity. I flatter myself, the presence of General Arnold and General Lincoln 
in the Northern Department, will have a happy effect upon them. Those Gentle- 
men possess much of their confidence particularly the latter, than whom there is 
perhaps no man from the State of Massachusetts, who enjoys more universal 
esteem and popularity. And in addition to that, they are both to be considered 
very valuable officers. 

"You intimate a wish that some assistance could be drawn from the Southern 
States at this time. But while things remain in the present posture, and ap- 
pearances however illusory they may prove in the issue afford the strongest reason 
to keep their force at home to counteract the Seeming intentions of General Howe, 
I could neither ask nor expect them to detach Succours to the Northern States, 
who are so well able to defend themselves against the force they have now to 
oppose. . . 

"I hope an exaggerated idea of the enemy's numbers may have no injurious 
influence on our measures. There is no circumstance I am acquainted with, that 
induces me to believe General Burgoyne can have more than five or Six thousand 
men; and if the force left in Canada is so considerable as the information you send 
me makes it, he cannot even have so many. 

"The representations of prisoners and deserters in this respect are of little 
vulidity, their knowledge is always very limited, and their intentions, particularly 



22 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

the former, very often bad. Beyond what regards their own companies, little or 
no attention is due to what they say. The number of regiments your informant 
mentions corresponds with other accounts, but in the number of men in each 
company, he gives the establishment, not, I am persuaded, the actual State. 
The enemy's army in Canada, last campaign though they suffered little by 
action, must have decreased materially, by sickness and other casualties, and if 
the recruits to them, both from England and Germany, bore any proportion to 
those, which have reinforced General Howe, the State of their regiments must be 
greatly inferior to what your information holds forth. Reasoning by analogy as 
far as it will apply, I cannot imagine the British regiments can exceed two hundred 
and fifty men each, fit for the field, or that the foreign troops can amount to many 
more than three thousand in all. The appointment of General Clinton, to the 
Government of your State is an event that in itself gives me great pleasure and 
very much abates the regret I should otherwise feel for the loss of his services in 
the military line. That Gentleman's character is such, as will make him peculiarly 
useful at the head of your affairs, in a Situation, so alarming and interesting as that 
which you now experience. Agreeable to your desire my future applications shall 
be made to him. 

"I have the honor to be with great respect. Sir, 

"Your most obedient servant, 

"G'o. Washington. 
"To the Council of Safety." ("Clinton Papers," Vol. IT, p. 170.) 

Battle of Oriskany. 

In Volume XII, "New York State Historical Association," will be found a 
most interesting account of this battle by Freeman H. Allen, Ph.D., Colgate 
University. 

"The battle took up the plan of the Grand Campaign and it proved the 
Colonists would fight and fight well against the veterans of the British armies, 
and their allies. It turned the tide of defeat and of despondency which the events 
of the preceding year had raised. It not only prevented co-operation by St. 
Leger with Burgoyne but enabled the militia of Tryon and Schoharie Counties 
to join the army at Saratoga. Every available element of strength was impera- 
tively needed there" — (Elias H. Roberts, New York, Vol. II, p. 417). 

The account of the battle of Oriskany by General C. Stedman: 
"In the meantime, Col. St. Leger had commenced his attack upon Fort 
Stanwix, a small square log fort with four bastions and a stockaded covered-way 
without any other outworks. It was defended by Colonels Gansovert and Willet 
and seven hundred men. The commencement of the Siege was attended with very 
favourable circumstances. On the fifth of August Colonel St. Leger received in- 
telligence that one thousand provincials under the Command of General Herki- 
mer were advancing to the relief of the fort. Sir John Johnson therefore, with a 
party of regulars and a number of savages, was dispatched into the woods, where 
he placed his men in ambush. The enemy advanced incautiously, and fell 
into the trap that was laid for them. A sudden and unexpected fire was poured 
upon them from behind trees and bushes, and the savages rushing from their 
concealment made a dreadful slaughter with their spears and tomahawks. 

"The enemy though surprised and somewhat dismayed did not retreat pre- 
cipitately, but recovered a rising ground which enabled them by a kind of running 
fight to preserve about one third of their detachment. The number killed and 
wounded on the part of the enemy amounted to near four hundred. The besieged 
being informed of the approach of General Herkimer made a sally under Colonel 
Willet which was attended with some success. 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 23 

"Having received, however, intelligence of the defeat of the provincials, he 
and another officer undertook a very perilous expedition. They penetrated at the 
dead of night through the camp of the besiegers and traveled a space of fifty miles 
through deserts, woods, and morasses, in order to bring relief to the fort. The enemy 
perceiving that the artillery of the besiegers was too light and insufficient to make 
any impression on the defences of the fort, treated every proposal for a surrender 
with derision and contempt. On the twenty-second of August a man belonging 
to the fort purposely conveyed himself into the British Camp and declared that 
he had escaped from the enemy, at the hazard of his life in order to inform the 
British Commander that General Arnold with two thousand men and ten pieces 
of cannon was advancing rapidly to raise the siege. He also acquainted him 
that General Burgoyne had been defeated, and his army cut to pieces. Colonel 
St. Leger was not intimidated by this information, nor did he give much credit to 
it, but it produced an immediate effect on the savages. The British Commander 
called a council of their chiefs and endeavoured by the influence of Sir John Johnson 
and the other superintendents, Colonels Claus and Butler, to induce them not to 
withdraw their assistance. 

"Every effort, however, was ineffectual; a large party of the savages departed 
while the Council was sitting and the rest threatened to follow their example, 
unless the British Commander would immediately make a retreat. To this mortify- 
ing proposition he was under the necessity of acceding. The tents were left stand- 
ing and the artillery and stores fell into the possession of the Garrison." 

"It is a remarkable fact, however, that in nearly every period of the struggle 
and in every part of the States, the great majority of the Indians, if they took part 
in the war, ranged themselves on the side of the crown, and England obtained in 
consequence much larger share both of the benefit and discredit of their assist- 
ance" — (Ramsey, 11-139). 



Albany in a State of Panic. 

The Committee presents doleful conditions of affairs to the Council of Safety. 
Capture of the city feared. 

"Albany Committee Chamber, 11 Augt. 1777. 
"Sir: 

"We wrote you a few days ago giving you a State of Affairs to the Northward 
as far as they came to our Knowledge; we then informed you that the Prospect 
was disagreeable. It appears every day more gloomy. Our apprehensions are 
not so groundless, as those at a distance suppose them to be. We are well assured 
did our situation present itself in the same point of light to neighbours as it does 
to us, some mode would be for our Relief, being informed repeated applications 
were made to the New England States for aid, and seeing that no reinforcements 
came forward thought it our indispensable Duty to Address the People at large, 
a Copy, which we enclose you together with an answer that their militia are ordered 
to the Southward. 

"On the Governor and Council of Safety being repeatedly informed of our 
distressed Situation, we flattered ourselves that some assistance would be sent 
from the lower Counties of our State but alas all their Forces were ordered to repel 
an intended invasion when a real one is entirely neglected. . . ." — ("Clinton 
Papers," Vol. II, p. 209). 

"At the end of 1776 Robert Morris, in describing the gloomy prospects of 
the Revolution, complained that in the Eastern States they are so intent upon 
privateering that they would mind little else." 



24 THE NEED OE A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

"It may be questioned, however, whether American enterprises could have 
been on the whole more profitably employed, for the successful privateering brought 
great benefit to the Country, impoverished the enemy, and added very largely to 
the popularity of the war. It needed all the popularity that could be derived 
from this source for the latter months of 1776 found one of the darkest periods 
in the whole struggle. The army of Washington had dwindled to 3,000 and even 
to 2,700 effective men; except two companies of Artillery belonging to the State 
of New York that were engaged for the war the whole of the Continental troops 
had only been enlisted for a year"— (Lecky). 

"Speculation ran riot; every form of wastefulness and extravagance prevailed 
in town and country, nowhere more than Philadelphia under the very eyes of 
Congress — luxury of dress, luxury of equipage, luxury of the table. We are told 
of one entertainment at which £800 was spent in pastry" — (Green's "Historical 
View of the American Revolution"). 

1777. — "The position of Washington at this time was in all respects de- 
plorable; as early as March he had written to General Schuyler, 'The disaf- 
fection of Pennsylvania I fear is beyond anything you have conceived.' 

"General Howe during the many months his army was stationed at Phila- 
delphia never found the smallest difficulty in obtaining from the people abundance 
of fresh provisions. 

"It would perhaps be an exaggeration to say that the active loyalists were 
the true representatives of Pennsylvanian feeling, but it is in my opinion but 
doubtful that the sympathies of this great and worthy province were much more 
on the side of the Crown than on the side of the Revolution. Had the Pennsyl- 
vanians really regarded the English as invaders or oppressors the presence of an 
English army in their Capital would most certainly have spurred them to passionate 
resistance, but in truth it was never found possible to bring into the field more 
than a tenth part of the normal number of Pennsylvania militia and the Pennsyl- 
vania quota in the Continental regiments was never above one third full and soon 
sank to a much lower point" — ("Washington Works," pages 96-146). 



Battle of Bennington. 

It should be remembered Bennington at this period was a part of New York 
State. 

General Burgoyne, having met with but little opposition, became careless. 
The provisions having been delayed and in want of horses, he sent Colonel Baum, 
with about eight hundred men, on a foraging expedition toward Connecticut, 
where he understood there were a quantity of horses. 

"The American General Stark with a body of one thousand men from New 
Hampshire and Massachusetts was at this period on his route to join Gen. Schuyler. 
Having received intelligence, however, of the approach of Colonel Baum, he 
altered his course and hastened towards Bennington, where, joining the Con- 
tinental troops under Colonel Warner, he set out on the sixteenth of August and 
by ten o'clock in the morning surrounded Colonel Baum at St. Coiecks Mill at 
Walloon Creek. 

"The German officer, a stranger to the Country and to the language of the 
inhabitants, was at first persuaded by the loyalists who had joined him they 
were friends. General Stark, however, commencing a furious attack upon him 
on ;ill sides soon convinced him of their error. Nevertheless he resolved to make a 
vigorous defence. For upwards of an hour he endured a terrible discharge of 
musketry and during the period drove the enemy several times from the high 
ground on which they were stationed. But their number increasing every moment 
and Colonel Baum having lost his artillery, the German troops were under the 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 25 

necessity of retreating into the woods, leaving their commander mortally wounded 
on the field of battle. The savages who had accompanied Col. Baum behaved in 
a shameful manner, retreating at the commencement of the engagement. Flushed 
with this victory the enemy advanced against the detachment under Colonel 
Breyman who, ignorant of the defeat of Baum, was advancing to his relief, but 
the tardiness of their method of marching added to the obstacles which the roads 
presented had retarded their progress in such a manner that twenty-four hours 
were spent in marching sixteen miles. The consequence was that Breyman came 
up just in time to join the fugitives of Baum's detachment. The Americans began 
a vigorous attack on Breyman who was obliged to retreat after having made a 
gallant resistance and having expended all his ammunition. The loss of men in 
these two engagements amounted to about six hundred" —("History of the 
American War," by General C. Stedman). 

Speaking of the battle of Bennington: "The unfortunate affair caused a 
sudden cessation of all our operations. Our boat provisions, in fact nothing was 
received from Lake George. The army therefore could not advance further, and 
despondent spirits of the enemy suddenly became so elated that its army grew 
daily stronger" — ("Letters and Journals of Mrs. General Riesdesel," by William 
L. Stone). 

A Great Injustice to Our State. 

"Schuyler's chief sin was in being a Son of New York." 

General Schuyler Relieved. 

"In Congress, August 4th, 1777. 

"Congress took into Consideration the Letter from General Washington 
wherein he wished to be excused the appointment of an Officer to command the 
Northern army; whereupon Congress proceeded to the Election of an officer for the 
purpose, and the Ballots being taken, Major General Gates was elected to that 
command by the vote of eleven States. 

"Resolved that General Washington be informed of this apporntment and 
that he be directed to order General Gates to repair all possible Expeditions to 
the Northern Department to relieve Major General Schuyler. Ordered that the 
Remaining part of the Latter from General Washington be referred to the Com- 
mittee on the Northern Department" — ("Clinton Papers," Vol. II, p. 178). 

Referring to General Schuyler's removal as Commander-in-chief of the North- 
ern Army: "We have given New England men what they will think a complete 
triumph in the removal of generals from the Northward and sending Gates; then 
I hope New England will now exert itself to its utmost efforts" — -(John Adams to 
his wife). 

"Bancroft himself gives the numbers under Burgoyne as 7,500 choice men, 
exclusive of Indians, with the most complete supply of artillery ever furnished to 
any army. It is worth while to send the army roll of General Schuyler at that 
time, twenty days after the battle of Hubbardton, previously referred to." 

MILITIA. 

State of Connecticut. 
One Major, one Captain, two Lieutenants, two Ensigns, one Adjutant, one 
Quartermaster, six Sergeants, one Drummer, six sick rank and file — the rest 
deserted. 

State of Massachusetts. 
Berkshire County — Somewhat more than 200 are left. 
Hampshire County — Colonel Moseby's regiment ten or twelve left. 



26 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

State of New York. 

County of Albany — 1,050 left. 

This being his force on the 27th on or about the 29th of July. General Schuyler 
thought it proper to fall back to Saratoga. 

("Correspondence and Remarks upon Bancroft's "History of the Northern 
Campaign of 1777" and "The Character of Major-General Philip Schuyler," 
by George L. Schuyler, "New York Historical Society Proceedings"). 

Samuel Adams's Opinion of General Schuyler. 

Extract from a Letter from Samuel Adams to Richard Henry Lee, dated Philadelphia, 

July 15th, 1777. 

"We have letters from General Schuyler in the Northern Department giving 
us an Account of the untoward Situation of our Affairs in that Quarter & I con- 
fess it is no more than I expected, when he [Schuyler] was again intrusted with the 
Command there. You remember it was urged by some that as he had a large 
Interest and powerful Connections in that Part of the Country, no one could so 
readily avail himself of Supplys for an Army there, than he. A most sub- 
stantial Reason, I think, why he should have been appointed a Quartermaster 
or a Commissary. But it seems to have been a prevailing Motive to appoint 
him to the Chief Command. You have his Account in the inclosed Newspaper 
which leaves us to guess what has become of the garrison. It is indeed droll 
enough to see a General not knowing where to find the main Body of his Army. 
Gates is the Man of my Choice. He is honest and true, & has the Art of gaining 
the Love of his Soldiers principally because he is always -present and shares with 
them in Fatigue and Danger. But Gates has been disgusted! We are however 
waiting to be relieved from this disagreeable State of uncertainty, by a particular 
Account of Facts from some Person who was near the Army who trusts not to 
Memory altogether, lest some Circumstances may be omitted while others are 
misapprehended'''' — (Papers of Samuel Adams, III, 387-8). 

George Bancroft's Unfair Criticism of General Schuyler. 

("History of the United States," by George Bancroft, Volume 5, Page 165.) 

"On the 22nd [July, 1777], long before Burgoyne was ready to advance, Schuyler 
retreated to a position four miles below Fort Edward. Here he again complained 
of his 'Exposure to immediate ruin.' His friends urgent to silence the growing 
suspicion of his want of spirit, he answered: 'If there is a battle I shall certainly 
expose myself more than is prudent.' To the New York Council of Safety he wrote 
on the 24th: 'I mean to dispute every inch of ground with Burgoyne and retard 
his descent as long as possible;' and in less than a week, without disputing any- 
thing, he retreated to Saratoga, having his heart set on a position at the junc- 
tion of the Mohawk and the Hudson. The courage of the commander being 
gone, his officers and his army became spiritless. From Saratoga Schuyler, on the 
first of August, wrote to the Council of Safety of New York: 

"I have been on horseback all day reconnoitring the country for a place to 
encamp one that will give us a chance of stopping the enemy's career. I have 
not yet been able to find a spot that has the least prospect of answering the pur- 
pose, and I believe you will soon learn that we are retired further south. I wish 
that I could say that the troops under my command were in spirits. They are 
quite otherwise. Under the circumstances the enemy are acquiring strength 
and advancing.' 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 27 

"On the fourth of August he sent word to Congress that 'Burgoyne is at 
Fort Edward. He has withdrawn his troops from Castleton and is bending his 
whole force this way. He will probably be here in eight days, and, unless we are 
well reinforced, as much further as he chooses to go.' 

"On the 6th, Schuyler writes to Governor Clinton of New York: 'The enemy 
will soon move and our strength is daily decreasing. We shall again be obliged to 
decamp and retreat before them.' And, as his only resource, he solicited aid 
from Washington." 

A Few Criticisms upon the Plan of the Campaign of 1777, by George W. 

Cullum, Major-General, U.S.A. ("Narrative and Critical 

History of America.") 

"Congress committed the most criminal error, outweighing all others, in 
substituting at the most critical moment of the campaign a military charlatan for 
an accomplished soldier, in supplementing Schuyler, who was the organizer of the 
victories, by Gates, who 'had not fitness for command, and wanted personal courage, 
to say nothing of the difference in merit, for making the change was most inop- 
portune.'" 

Other Opinions of General Schuyler. 

"And now Schuyler, after all he had done to baffle the Enemy and organize 
Victory, was to be the victim of prejudice of New England against New York, 
which dated back to Colonial days. Schuyler placed little reliance upon New 
England troops, and their representation in Congress had as little confidence in 
Schuyler's generalship; each misjudged the other; but the outcome of this feeling 
between Dutch and Puritan blood was unfortunate in superseding soldierly Schuyler 
by the intriguing Gates. And it was a cruel reverse to the former, just as his 
skillful plans were culminating in the utter discomfiture of the enemy and his 
success at Stanwix and Bennington were bringing reinforcements from every 
Quarter" — ("Narrative and Critical History of America," by Justin Winsor). 

"Indeed the Congress in their anger was in a dim sort of way following the 
(reputed) example of the wise men of Carthage of a former day. The Prume Con- 
gress was said to have crucified, impaled, flayed alive or done to death, by some 
lingering method any Gentlemen of the Navy or Army who returned from the 
wars without Success. Congress denoted Schuyler, insulted Greene and Knox, 
reprimanded Stark and snubbed Benedict Arnold, court-martialed Sullivan 
St. Clair, Wayne and Matthews, and promoted a cabal against Washington him- 
self. At the same time it held Charles Lee and Horatio Gates in high repute. 
In later days Gates fell upon evil times, and now no one has a good word for him " 
(Dr. Henry Belcher). 

General McDougall's Opinion of Gates. 
"Camp Second Hill 3 miles from New Milford 5th, November — 78. 

"General Gates I understand is gone to command at Boston. I know he 
was exceedingly impatient under command. And from his known temper, I sus- 
pect he prefers being the first man of a village to the second of Rome. He has 
but little to do there; but the service will not suffer, by his being at a Post of ease 
and security. I could hardly believe he was so extremely credulous, as I found 
him to be; he is the most so, in his profession, of any man I ever knew, who had 
seen so much service. He has the weakest mind to combine circumstances, to 
form judgment of any man I ever knew, of his plausible, and specious appearance. 



28 THE NEED OE A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

In short sir, he [is] as weak as water. His whole Fort lies in a little Rotine of detail, 
of duty and a perfect knowledge of the English corrupt Nobility. The Lord of 
Hosts have Mercy on that Army whose movements must depend on his combina- 
tion of Military demonstrations, of an enemy. God avert so great a Judgment to 
America, as his having the chief Command of her Armies. It's fortunate for 
America Gen. Burgoyne was so rash as to put himself in the Position as he did, 
and that there was no other route, for him to Albany, but the one he took, or he 
would not have been an American Prisoner" — ("Clinton Papers," Vol. IV, p. 244). 

"Horatio Gates of Virginia. Congress appointed him Adjutant-General 
of the Continental Army with rank of Brigadier-General. In 1776-77 he was 
twice in command of the Northern Army, having through intrigues displaced 
General Schuyler. He gained undeserved honors as Commander of the troops 
that defeated and captured Burgoyne and his army in the fall of 1777. He soon 
afterwards intrigued for the position of Washington as Commander-in-chief, 
using his power as president of the Board of War for the purpose, but ignomin- 
iously failed. In June, 17S0, he was made Commander of the Southern Depart- 
ment, but made a disastrous campaign, his army being utterly defeated and 
routed by Cornwallis near Camden, S. C, in August, 1780. This defeat ter- 
minated Gates's military career" — ("Harper's Popular Cyclopaedia of United 
States History." Benson J. Lossing, LL.D.). 

While histories have devoted much space to Burgoyne's surrender at Saratoga, 
the important part played by our State has been neglected, and Bancroft's unjust 
criticism of Schuyler allowed to remain uncontradicted. 

Gates Announces Burgoyne's Surrender. 

"Saratoga, October 15, 1777. 
"Sir: 

"Enclosed I have the Honour to send your Excellency a copy of my letter 
of this day to Major General Putnam with a copy of the Terms on which Lt. 
General Burgoyne has proposed to surrender. 

"I am Sir, 
"Your Excellency's most affectionate & Humble Servant, 

"Horatio Gates. 
"His Excellency Governor Clinton, Esq." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. II, p. 489; "The Battle of Saratoga, One of the 
Fifteen Decisive Battles of History." Sir Edward Creasy.) 



Surrender of General Burgoyne. 

"The surrender of Saratoga forms a memorable aera in the history of the 
American War. Although the success of the British arms had not been so brilliant, 
nor the progress made in repressing the spirit of revolt so considerable, as either 
the magnitude of the force employed under Sir William Howe, or the military 
character of that General, gave reason to expect; still, upon the whole until the 
unfortunate expedition from Canada, the advantages that had been gained were on 
the side of Great Britain. 

"Whenever the British and American armies had been opposed to each other 
in the field, the superiority of the former was conspicuous in every thing, and, in 
general, even in numbers. The Americans themselves, impressed with an opinion 
of their own inferiority, were dispirited; and it was with reluctance that they ever 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 29 

attempted to engage the British troops upon equal, or nearly equal, terms. But 
so uncommon an event as the capture of a whole army of their enemies animated 
them with fresh ardour, invigorated the exertions of Congress, lessened in the 
mind of the American soldier the high opinion which he had entertained of British 
valour and discipline, and inspired him with greatest confidence in himself. 

''The consequences, however, which this event produced in Europe were of 
still greater moment. In Great Britain the most sanguine expectations had been 
raised from the Canada expedition, the rapid success which, in its first stages, 
seemed to promise the most fortunate issue. A junction of the Northern Army 
with that of New York was confidently expected; and it was hoped that by this 
junction a decisive blow would be given to the Rebellion, by cutting ofFthe northern 
from the middle and southern Colonies" — ("History of the American War," by 
General C. Stedman, 1794. Vol. II, p. 1). 

Madame Riedesel Dines with General Schuyler. 

"I confess that I feared to come into the enemy's camp, as the thing was so 
entirely new to me. When I approached the tents, a noble looking man came tow- 
ard me, took the children out of the wagon, embraced and kissed them, and then 
with tears in his eyes helped me also to alight. 'You tremble,' said he to me, 'fear 
nothing.' 'No,' replied I, 'for you are so kind and have been so tender toward 
my children, that it has inspired me with courage.' He then led me to the tent 
of General Gates, with whom I found Generals Burgoyne and Phillips, who were 
upon an extremely friendly footing with him. Burgoyne said to me, 'You may 
now dismiss all your apprehensions, for your sufferings are at an end.' I answered 
him, that I should certainly be acting very wrongly to have any more anxiety, when 
our Chief had none, and especially when I saw him on such friendly footing with 
General Gates. All the Generals remained to dine with General Gates. . . . The man 
who had received me so kindly, came up and said to me, 'It may be embarrassing to 
dine with all these gentlemen; come now with your children into my tent where 
I will give you, it is true, a frugal meal, but one that will be accompanied with the 
best of wishes.' 'You are certainly,' answered I, 'a husband and a father, since 
you show me such kindness.' I then learned that he was the American General 
Schuyler. He entertained me w T ith excellent smoked tongue, beefsteaks, potatoes, 
good bread and butter. Never had I eaten a better meal; I was content. . . ." 

General Burgoyne, General and Mrs. Riedesel with some of the stafF remained 
at General Schuyler's house in Albany three days. 

(Letters and Journals of Mrs. General Riedesel. W. L Stone, p. 134.) 



FIRST THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION— BY PRESIDENT LAURENS. 

In Congress, November I, 1777. 
'ORASMUCH as it is indispensable duty of all men to adore the 
superintending providence of Almighty God — to acknowledge 
with gratitude their obligation to him for benefits received, & to 
implore such further blessings as they stand in need of — And it 
having pleased him in his abundant mercy, not only to continue 
to us the innumerable bounties of his common providence, but 
also to smile upon us in the prosecution of a just and necessary 

war, for the defense and establishment of our unalienable rights and liberties; 

particularly in that he hath been pleased in so great a measure to prosper the 

means used for the support of our troops & to crown our arms with the most 

signal success;— 




3 o THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

"It is therefore recommended to the legislative or executive powers of these 
United States, to set apart Thursday, the 18th day of December next, for solemn 
Thanksgiving and praise: That at one time & with one voice, the good people 
may express the grateful feelings of their hearts, and consecrate themselves to the 
service of their divine benefactor, & that together with their sincere acknowledg- 
ment & offerings, they may join the penitent confession of their manifold sins, 
whereby they had forfeited every favour & their humble & earnest supplication that 
it may please God through the merits of Jesus Christ, mercifully to forgive, & blot 
them out of remembrance. That it may please him, graciously to afford his 
blessing on the Governments of these States respectively & prosper the public 
council of the whole. 

"To inspire our Commanders both by land and sea, and all under them, with 
that wisdom and fortitude, which may render them fit instruments under the 
providence of Almighty God, to secure for these United States, the greatest of all 
human blessings, independence and peace. That it may please him, to prosper 
the trade and manufactures of the people, and the labor of the husbandman, that 
our land may yet yield its increase. To take schools, and seminaries of education 
so necessary for cultivating the principles of true liberty, virtue and piety, under 
his nurturing hand, & to prosper the means of religion for the promotion and 
enlargement of that kingdom, which consisteth in righteousness, peace and joy 
in the Holy Ghost. 

"And it is further recommended that servile labor, & such recreation as 
though at other times innocent may be unbecoming the purpose of this appointment 
may be omitted on so solemn an occasion. 

"Charles Thompson, Sec'y." 

Extract from the Minutes. 

("Clinton Papers." Vol. II, p. 496.) 

"From a strictly military point of view nothing so important happened in the 
long and slow course of the Revolution as the Surrender of Burgoyne's army. 
The significance which it had in the British mind is clear enough when one remem- 
bers that the head and front of the American Revolt seemed to be in New England 
and New York; that if this great northern revolution, could be quelled the rest 
would appear easy; the old warpath of the Indians and the English and French 
along, the Hudson River, and Lake Champlain, was the natural, short, level, and 
easy channel of communication between the British Army and Navy at New 
York City and the loyal English colonies in Canada" — (Hon. Andrew S. Draper, 
LL.B., LL.D., Commissioner of Education of the State of New York. N. Y. S. 
Historical Association. Proceedings. Vol. XII, p. 92). 

"Condensed into a few words, the immediate military results of the destruc- 
tion of Burgoyne's army may be stated as follows: it took from Britain in the 
field ten thousand of the best officers and soldiers in the British army; it trans- 
ferred from the British to the Colonists vast stores of war which the little Con- 
federacy stood sorely in need; it destroyed all confidence in the Indians, as allies 
of value in systematic warfare, and opened the way for punishing the Iroquois 
so severely that they feared and respected white civilization, ever after; it cut off 
for all time all communication between the English Loyalists in Canada and their 
Army and Navy at the mouth of the Hudson; and completely ended all resistance 
to the Revolution in New York and New England, where there was the most in 
America that could give strength and substance to the British Crown. It opened 
the doors of the House of Commons, appealed to English sense, pride and con- 
science, and led to the immediate overtures for peace from Britain on any terms 
but separation, and to the unanimous and unhesitating rejection of these overtures. 
It produced the French alliance and the consequent war by France upon England, 
the war of Spain upon England, the Dutch loan to the Colonists and the warfare 
of the Netherlands upon England, and the early recognition of American Inde- 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 



3i 



pendence by all the leading powers of Europe" — (Hon. Andrew S. Draper, LL.B., 
LL.D., N. Y. S. H. A. Proceedings. Vol. XII, p. 102). 

From Address of Hon. Horatio Seymour on the One Hundredth Anniversary 

of the Surrender. 

"One hundred years ago upon this spot, American Independence was made 
a great fact in the history of Nations. 

"Until the surrender of the British Army under Burgoyne the Declaration 
of Independence was but a declaration. It was a patriotic purpose asserted in 
bold words by great men, who pledged for its maintenance their lives, their for- 
tunes, and their sacred honor. But here it was made a fact, by virtue of armed 
force. It had been regarded by the world merely as an act of defiance, but it was 
now seen that it contained the germs of a government, which the event we celebrate 
made one of the powers of the earth. Upon this ground, that which had in the 
eyes of the law been treason, became triumphant patriotism." 

(New York State Historical Association. Proceedings. Vol. XII, p. 206.) 




THE BURNING OF KINGSTON. 

S a matter of fact, Vaughan committed this atrocious piece of 
vandalism on Thursday, October 16, 1777. The British fleet ar- 
rived and anchored near Esopus Island on the night of October 15, 
and the following morning at an early hour, weighed anchor and 
sailed up to the mouth of Rondout Creek, opposite Columbus 
Point. The British opened a lively fire upon the ' Lady Washington ' 
galley, which was lying near the mouth of the Creek, without 
perpetrating much damage. Shortly after noon the British proceeded to land 
in two divisions, one in Rondout Creek, and the other in the Cove above Columbus 
Point. 

"Vaughan in person brought the main body of his command to the beach above 
Columbus Point. Seizing a negro and forcing him to act as pilot, the English 
took up the line of march to Kingston, climbed the hill, formed a junction with the 
other division and marched to the village without meeting resistance. Here 
the troops divided into small parties and guided by Tories through the streets, 
fired the houses as they went along. When General Clinton arrived on the scene, 
the whole village was in flames, and the invading forces were retreating to their 
ships" — (From "Clinton Papers," Vol. II, p. 457). 



GEORGE CLINTON COMPLAINS TO CONGRESS 

Over the Conduct of Vermont and of General Stark. Declares Congress 
Countenances Vermont's Actions. 

"Poughkeepsie, 7th Sep'r, 1778. 
[ENTLEMEN: The Last I had the Honor of addressing to you 
was dated the 16th Ultimo. Since which I have been favoured 
with your letters of the 21st & 25th of last Month. The Former 
shall be submitted to the Consideration of the Legislature at 
their next Session which will commence the first of next month. . . . 
"The unwarrantable Conduct of the usurped Government 
of the People on the Grants, in sentencing to Banishment a number 
of the Subjects of this State, and of General Stark, in attempting to carry the 
same into Execution, calls upon me again to Trouble Congress with the Copies 




32 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

of several Letters & papers on that Occasion which are of themselves so intelligible 
as not to require any Explanation of mine. The inclosed copy of Genl. Washing- 
ton's Letter to me of the 21st of July informing me of his having transmitted these 
Papers with some others on the same Subject to Congress for their Decision, will 
Account for my not having forwarded them to you before. Besides those which 
Congress have received from General Washington, you have inclosed Copies of 
three other Papers which I have since received, tending to prove the true Charac- 
ters of the Persons attempted to be banished. I have only to add that the Exiles 
yet remain in Confinement at Fort Arnold under Military Keepers, and that I 
have no Reason to believe that General Stark has been punished, or even reproved 
for his Offence, which you will readily perceive is no less than having employed 
the Authority & Arms of the Continent against the Liberties of the Subjects of 
this State, that the Silence of Congress on this Occasion after the Matter was 
referred to their Decission by his Excellency General Washington, may be con- 
sidered as countenancing these unwarrantable Measures. 

"The Indians & Tories continue to committ Depredations on our western 
Frontiers, last week they destroyed 3 Barns, killed 2 men & carried off two Prisoners, 
and a small party of the Militia who pursued & fell in with them had their Officers 
& 2 men killed without doing the Enemy any Injury that I can learn. I am with 
great Respect Gent. Your most Obed't. Serv't. 

"George Clinton. 
"The Hon'ble the Delegates for the State of New York in Congress." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. Ill, p. 743.) 

Historical Hudson and Champlain Valleys. 

"A new kind of warfare arose in New York, a warfare of arson, massacre 
and ambush fighting, of which Indians were masters, and in which they had con- 
stant aid from the Tories. Those border conflicts were essential parts of the 
struggle for the Hudson Valley. They had been directly inspired from London 
and were actively directed by the British of New York and Canada. It was 
believed that forces might thus be drawn away from the Hudson Valley and that 
men, pouring down from Canada by way of Oswego and the Mohawk, by way of 
Niagara and the Susquehanna, might force their way to the Hudson Valley. 
Indeed, at one time these conflicts had gone so far that Gov. Clinton expressed 
grave fears lest the Hudson should become the frontier of the State. 

"From the battle of Onskany in 1777 until peace returned, these border 
lands became lands of terror. They were finally reduced to lands of complete 
desolation. Here were more than 12,000 farms that had ceased to be cultivated. 
More than two thirds of the population had died or fled, and among those who 
remained were 300 widows and 2,000 orphans. It is a record of battles in the 
open, battles in the ambush, massacre and child murder, in the midst of which 
perhaps the great gleam of light that came from the conflict outside was the capture 
of Stony Point by Anthony Wayri£, 'Mad Anthony Wayne' mad only in courage 
and patriotic zeal" — ("Historical Hudson and Champlain Valleys," Francis H. 
Halsey, in New York State Historical Association. Proceedings. Vol. IX, p. 234). 



Clinton: 



NEW ENGLAND LOOKS TO NEW YORK FOR FLOUR. 

'- EW ENGLAND was so occupied with privateering, their land 
was largely neglected, and speculation in wheat and flour was 
carried on to such an extent New York was obliged to place 
an embargo on the exportation of same out of the State. 

The demands on New York for flour and wheat from the 
New England States caused Clinton a great deal of trouble. 
Massachusetts in 1778 addressed the following to Governor 




THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 33 

The Massachusetts Board of War asks Permission to Transport iooc 
Barrels of flour to Boston. 

"War Office, Boston, February 5, 1778. 
"Gentlemen: This State being in want of Flour have contracted with William 
Smith of Fishkill, in your State, Esqr. for 1000 barrels to be delivered in Boston, 
provided leave can be obtained from your honors for him to send same. The 
Board of War would, therefore request the Favor that Mr. Smith may have the 
liberty to send the same. 

"We have the Honor to be Gentlemen, Your most Obedient 

"Humble Servant, 

"Sam Phps. Savage, Pres't. 

"By Order of the Board. ' 

"His Excellency George Clinton, Esq., Gov'r; the Hon'le Senators and House 
of Assembly of the State of New York; or the Hon'le the Council of Safety of 
said State." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. II, p. 716.) 

"Many sellers of merchandise monopolized articles of the first necessity and 
would not part with them to their suffering countrymen, and to the wives and 
children of those who were absent in the field, unless at enormous profits" — 

(Sabine). 

The State of New York, although largely overrun by the enemy, yet produced 
a large portion of the wheat for both the army and the New England States. 
It became necessary to place an embargo on its exportation out of the State, owing 
to the speculation there was in Massachusetts and Connecticut. Massachusetts 
asked for more flour. 



Nathaniel Gorham Requests a Permit to Export Flour to Massachusetts. 

"To his Excellency Governor Clinton of the State of New York. 

"Council Chamber, October 14, 1778. 

"The Council of the State of Massachusetts Bay would represent to your 
Honor that the inhabitants of thig State are in great want of flour for their own 
consumption and would, therefore, recommend Nathaniel Gorham, Esq., a re- 
spectable Inhabitant of this State, for your Honor's Permission to purchase and 
bring to the market here a Quantity of flour for the use of the Inhabitants. 

"Attest Jno. Avery, D'y. Secy." 

A true Copv. 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. IV, p. 162.) 

"Boston, October 15, 1778. 

"Sir: The great want of Bread in these parts and the great distress into which 
many people, the poor especially, are thereby involved is truly alarming. I 
have, therefore, been induced to attempt to the bringing a quantity of flour from 
your State into this, and having applied to Council desiring them to take some 
measures for facilitating the plan, they have furnished me with the within recom- 
mendation to your Excellency; but my avocations in the Assembly and at the 
Board of War, are such as renders it impossible for me to pay my respects to 
your Excellency in person. Mr. William Stimpson the bearer of this will, therefore 
wait upon you as he is connected with me in the affair, and if it is by any means 
possible to permit him to transport a quantity of flour from your place to this, 



34 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

it will be an act of the greatest humanity and benevolence, and treating a Sister 
State in that way and manner which I have no doubt your Excellency will be glad 
to do if possible. I am with greatest respect, your Excellency's most obedient 
and humble servant, &c. 

"Nathaniel Gorham. 

"(To Governor George Clinton.)" 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. IV, p. 162.) 

Massachusetts had apparently forgotten Albany's appeal of August 1, 1777. 

Governor Clinton Declines to Raise the Flour Embargo on Massachusetts 

and Gives Good Reasons. 

"Camp at White Plains, 6th Aug't 1778. 
"Sir: Two Days since I was honored with the Receipt of your Letter of the 
16th ultimo. It is with real Concern I learn that the Inhabitants of your State 
are apprehensive of suffering by the Want of a proper Supply of flour & grain 
for their Consumption. And what greatly adds to my anxiety is the little pros- 
pect I have at present of being able to afford them with the Relief sollicited for 
without distressing the Grand Army now in this State. Immediately on the 
Receipt of your letter, I communicated the Contents to the Commissary Genl. 
of Purchases, with a View of convening the Legislature & of recommending it to 
them in the most pressing Terms to repeal the Embargo Law so far as it respected 
the Exportation of Flour and Grain to the Neighbouring States, if it might be 
done consistent with the good of the public Service. But he assures me that the 
necessary Supplies of Flour & Grain for the Army depends on a Continuation of our 
Embargo, and that even an unfaithful Execution of it might be productive of the 
most fatal Consequences. This being the Case, Sir, notwithstanding our ardent 
Desire of accommodating a Sister State with whom we wish to cultivate the most 
Friendly Intercourse by the exchange of Good Offices, we must in the -present 
Instance, submit for a Time to the lesser, to avoid the greater Evil. I am led to 
believe that though your State fails in producing a sufficient Quantity of Grain 
for the Support of its Inhabitants throughout the year, yet the coming in of their 
Harvest will afford them such a present Supply as to prevent Immediate Distress 
by the Want of that Essential Article, & that before such an unhappy event can 
take Place the Situation of our affairs will be Such as to warrant the Repeal of our 
Embargo & thereby enable your People to draw the necessary Supplies from this 
State. 

"It does not require much Speculation to discover that an Inland Embargo 
on the Staple Commodity of a State excluded from all Foreign Trade is highly 
Injurious to the Interest of its Inhabitants. In this Point of View we consider 
the present Law, & submit to it as a sacrifice of Interest to the Common Cause. 
It is needless, therefore to add assurances that as soon as the public Exigencies 
of the United States may admit of it the Law will be repealed, & a free Commu- 
tation of the different Necessaries of Life opened on our Part with our Neighbors. 
"I am Sir with verv great Respect and Regard your Most Obed't Serv't. 

[G. C.]. 

"To the Hon'ble Jeremiah Powel, Esq. Presid't. of the Council Boston." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. Ill, p. 614.) 

Smugglers Detected Taking Flour over the State Line. 

"Oct. 23d Day 1778. 

"Sir: 

"As I was returning home, I was informed of a quantity of flour being about 
to be exported out of this State; on this information I went after said flour, and 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 35 

found it on the Road between Bakman's Precinct and Connecticut, and seized 
said flour. The Baror shows an agreement between himself and one Mr. Wing 
that lives in this State on the edge of Connecticut. I shall wait your Excellency's 
Order in the matter, I am, 

"Your very humble Servant, 

"Brinton Paine. 
"To His Excellency George Clinton, Esq." 
("Clinton Papers,"" Vol. IV, p. 194.) 

" Amenia, 16 November 1778. 

"Sir, Lieut: Doty waits on your Excellency with a letter from Mr. Colt which I 
conclude is to Endeavour to put a stop to Particular Persons Purchasing large 
Quantities of Flour under Pretense of Purchasing for the Eastern State Troops. 
Great abuses have been committed in that Way. . . . 

"I could wish No Permits might be given to such People as it only Tends to 
raise the price and is a violation of a Rule of Congress which forbids purchasers 
Interfering with other Districts. 

"I am Sir, Your Humble Servant, 

"James Reed, A.C.P. 

"His Excellency Governor Clinton, Esq., Poughkeepsie." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. IV, p. 283.) 



John Jay Made President. 

Gouverneur Morris Looks for "Good Gonsequences" by This Promotion. 

"Phila: 10th Dec'r. 1778. 
"Sir: 

"I have the pleasure to inform your Excellency that the hon'le John Jay Esq. 
is elevated to the Chair of Congress, which as well from your Friendship for him, 
as for Reasons of public Importance will, I am confident, be agreeable to you. 
The weight of his personal Character contributed as much to his Election as the 
Respect of the State which hath done and suffered so much, or the Regard for its 
Delegates which is not inconsiderable. The Public will I am confident experience 
many good consequences from the Exchange. I am respectfully your Excellency's 
most obedient and humble Servant. 

"Gouv. Morris. 
"His Exc'y George Clinton, Esq., Gov'r State of New York. 

"Poughkeepsie." 
("Clinton Papers," Vol. IV, p. 360.) 



General Washington Commends Governor Clinton's Services. 

"Headquarters, Middlebrook, 3 May 1779. 
"Dear Sir: I am honored with your favor of the 25th of last month. The readi- 
ness with which you comply with all my requests in prosecution of the public 
service has a claim to my warmest acknowledgment. I am glad to hear of the 
measures the State has taken for raising a thousand men, and of your expectation 
that the number will soon be completed, I hope the intelligence from Colonel 
Cantine will not materially retard the progress of a business, on which the general 
securitv of the frontier so much depends." 
(" Clinton Papers," Vol. IV, p. 196.) 



36 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

General Washington to Governor Clinton — For the Defense of the 

New York Frontier. 

"Headquarters, Dobbs Ferry 5th August, 1781. 
"Dear Sir, Your favor of the 1st Inst, inclosing the Letter from General Schuyler 
& others, is this moment come to hand. It is not a little distressing to find that 
the States will not, or cannot fill their Continental Battalions, or afford the Aids 
of Militia required from them — but that instead thereof they are expecting from 
me the few operating Troops which I have to depend on. The consequence of 
this Conduct is too obvious to need any comment. Instead of offensive Measures a 
defensive Plan must be adopted — instead of an active & decisive Campaign, which 
I had hoped to have made, we must end our operations in Languor and Disgrace 
— & perhaps protract the War, to the Hazzard of our final Ruin. 

"In Consequence to your Excellency's former Letter, I dispatched an Express 
to Govr. Hancock, with a reiterated Request that he would order on the Militia of 
Berkshire and other Western Counties immediately to Albany — and have also 
addressed the command'g officer of the Militia raising in those Counties, begging 
him to march forward without delay to the Orders of Gen'l Clinton. What 
effect these requisitions will have, it is impossible for me to say. In the mean- 
time, I will leave the Remains of Courtlandt's Regt. at Albany, trusting that the 
State will, by its own exertions, enable me to call them down when necessary, by 
substituting 9 months men, if those for three years cannot be obtained. 

"In hopes that no further Delay of the Militia, from the Western parts of 
Massachusetts may happen, for Want of any Exertions on my part, I have desired 
Major General Lincoln, an officer of that State, to proceed to the County of Berk- 
shire, for the Express purpose of hastening them on — however little Effect my 
written Applications have had — I hope his personal Attendance will produce the 
Aid we expect from those Counties. 

"I have the honor to be with the Highest esteem and Respect, 

"Your Excellency's most Obed't & Humble Servant, 

"( }ov'r. Clinton." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. VII, p. 166.) 

A Strong Defense of the State's Position by Governor Clinton. 

Governor Clinton Assures President Hanson that the Spirit oj Patriotism Has Not 

Waned Despite the Misfortune and Injuries Suffered — He Deplores the 

Defects in the Powers of Congress. 

"Poughkeepsie Novr. 24th, 1781. 
"Sir: During the Recess of the Legislature of this State I received several Letters 
from the Superintendent of Finance; which were laid before them in their late 
Session and the Result of their Deliberations were certain Resolutions, a copy 
whereof agreeable to their Request I do myself the Honor to transmit to your 
Excellency. 

"With the Legislature I may venture to pledge myself for the truth of the 
Facts contained in the Resolutions, & in the letter of the 15th of Feby. last. In- 
deed the essential Facts, and from which the Inability of the State is necessarily 
to be inferred, namely the Deprivation of Commerce, the Loss and Devastation 
of Territory by the Enemy, the Usurpations of our Revolted Subjects and the 
subsistence of the Greater Part of the Army in the articles of Bread and Forage 
for a series of Campaigns on credit, and the Amount of the Debts thus contracted 
still due, either to the Inhabitants individually, or to the State in consequence of 
receiving the Purchasing Officer's Certificates in payment of Taxes, are of such 
universal notoriety that I shall presume it unnecessary further to evince them; 




From an Old Print Property of New York Public Library 

GENERAL GEORGE CLINTON, 
FIRST GOVERNOR, STATE OF NEW YORK 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 37 

I shall, therefore, only observe in addition that there is more than a Hazzard that 
we shall not be able without a change in our Circumstances long to maintain our 
Civil Government. 

"This State I flatter myself has for its Spirit & Exertions in the War stood equal 
in point of Reputation with any other in the Union, and notwithstanding our Mis- 
fortunes & Injuries and notwithstanding our Legislature is, with respect to the 
Individuals who compose it, fluctuating, I am confident the People at large and 
their Representatives in Gov't. Still retain the same Spirit, & are equally dis- 
posed to every possible Effort in the Common Cause. I mention this, lest it be 
supposed that we were sinking under our Distresses, or were attend'g to our par- 
ticular interests without a due Regard to the Gen'l. Good. 

"I trust there can be no higher Evidence of a sincere Disposition in the State 
to promote the common interest, than the alacrity with which they passed the 
Law for grant'g to Congress a Duty on Imports, and their present Proffer to accede 
to any Propositions which may be made for rendering the Union among the States 
more intimate, and for enabling Congress to draw forth & employ the resources 
of the whole Empire with the utmost Vigor; for altho' we are unable in our present 
condition to contribute an immediate pecuniary Aid, we have the Prospects of 
future Wealth and Ability, when by a Peace, and the Determination of the Con- 
troversy relative to our Boundaries, we shall be restored to the entire possession 
of the State. These Prospects we are willing to anticipate, and I do not hesitate 
to give assurances that this State will, on her Part, cheerfully consent to vest 
the Sovereignty of the United States with every power requisite to an effectual 
Defence against foreign Invasion & for the Preservation of Internal Peace and 
Harmony; and as an individual, I can not forbear declaring my Sentiments that 
the Defects in the Powers of Congress are the chief source of present Embarrassm'ts 
and as a Friend to the Independence & True Interests & Happiness of America, 
I could wish to be indulged in expressing an earnest Desire that Measures might 
be taken to remedy these Defects. 

"While Congress in their Requisitions are subject to the Control of the several 
Legislatures, we can have no Reason to expect that the aggregate Strength of 
our Country including in the Idea, Men, Money and Supplies of every kind, can 
be properly applied to the great Purposes of the Union. 

"With respect to the Application for a loan of Powder, I would observe that 
our State Magazine is now entirely exhausted and we have no means to supply 
it; the Stock which we have hitherto had, has been wholly expended in the Common 
Defense, and should the Militia be called out, we could not avail ourselves of their 
Services for want of this essential Article. 

"The case of the Artificers in the several Departments within the State is 
truly deplorable. Many of them are Refugees from the Parts of the State in 
the Possession, or Incursions of the Enemy, with Families and no Means of Sub- 
sistence other than their wages. 

"There are Arrears due to many of them since 1778, and they are reduced 
to the utmost Distress; unless, therefore, they can be relieved, they must inevitably 
leave the Service, which will be attended with the most injurious Consequences, 
as it will be impossible to procure substitutes. As I am informed by the State 
Agent that he had lately addressed a Letter to the Superintendent of Finance 
explaining fully the necessity of a speedy Settlement of his accounts, I will only 
beg leave to add on that Subject that there is a reason to apprehend, should this 
Business be delayed, that the greatest Care and Attention of the Public Officers 
concerned will be sufficient to prevent Abuses; as from the nature of the Service 
the Delivery of the Supplies, must frequently be made to Boatmen and others of 
low character, and whose receipts are the only Vouchers the Agent can in these 
Circumstances Procure. 

"I have the honor to be, &c, &c, &c." 
"Presidt of Congress." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. VII, p. 520.) 



38 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 



The Governor Informs Robert Morris that the Embarrassed Situation 
of the State Has Prevented the Printing of the State Laws for a Year. 

"Pough'sie, Nov. 24th, 1781. 
"Sir, I have the honor of laying before the Legislature of this State your Several 
Dispatches from the 6th of July to the 19th of October last inclusive, and I now 
inclose for your information, a Copy of the concurrent Resolutions of the Senate 
and Assembly, the result of their Deliberations on the Subjects of your Letters. 

"I am unhappy that I have not been able to transmit the information requested 
by your letter of the 26th of July last. The embarrassed Situation of the State 
has prevented for more than a year past, the printing of our Laws, and the Returns 
from the different Counties into the Treasury, owing to the frequent incursions of 
the Enemy into several of them, are at present too imperfect to be relied upon. 
The Legislature, however, at their late Meeting have adopted Measures which 
when executed will enable me to accomplish this Business, and you may rely, 
Sir that it shall not on my Part meet with the least unnecessary delay. 

"I have the honor to be &c &c 

"The Honble. Robert Morris Esq. Superintendent of Finance." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. VII, page 523.) 




OUR COUNTRY'S FINANCIAL CONDITION. 

? T the opening of the second session, Congress began to wrestle 
with the grave question of finance. . . . Not long afterward the 

Ay report of the Committee prepared by Governeur Morns was sent 
v% to Philadelphia when Congress was in session. It displayed a 
pretty thorough comprehension of the situation and evinces a 
high order of financial ability, which the author on more than one 
_ occasion subsequently exhibited. . . ." 
It was decided to raise three millions of dollars. 

July 29, 1775. 

"As assessment also was prepared, based upon the supposed population of 
the Colonies, including the negroes and mulatoes, which was revised as soon as 
the correct list of each colony could be obtained. Georgia had not linked her 
fortunes with those of the other Colonies, the sum assigned to each colony was 
the following: 

In 1782 there was another assessment. 

A comparison is made showing the depreciation. 

1775 ' 7 S2 Depreciation Aproxt. 

New Hampshire #124,000 #80,000 #44,000 36% 

Massachusetts Bay 434,ooo 320,000 114,000 26 

Rhode Island 72,000 48,000 24,000 35 

Connecticut 249,000 220,000 26,000 11 

New York 249,000 90,000 158,000 64 

New Jersey 161,000 11,000 51,000 32 

Pennsylvania 372,000 300,000 72,000 19 

Delaware }7> 000 28,000 9,000 24 

Maryland 310,000 220,000 90,000 29 

Virginia 496,000 290,000 206,000 41 

North Carolina 242,000 14^,000 [99,000 44 

South " 242,000 120,000 1 :S,ooo 51 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 39 

''A financial picture drawn at that time by General Cornell in Philadelphia, 
is not less true than startling. 'The situation of our finances is such as to make 
every thinking man shudder.' The new money ordered into circulation by the 
resolution of the 18th of March meets with so many obstructions, I almost despair 
of the credit it will have in the states that comply with the resolution. If that 
should fail, good God, what will be our fate, without money or credit at home or 
abroad? We have not one farthing of money in the treasury, and I know of no 
Quarter from which we have a right to expect any" — ("Financial History of the 
U. S," from 1774 to 1789, by Albert S. Boles, pages 24, 39, 101). 

This was the financial condition when Congress selected Robert Morris 
(of Pennsylvania) Superintendent, February 20, 1781. Morris did not accept 
till March 13th. He wrote Congress: "If therefore it be the idea of Congress 
that the office Superintendent of Finances is incompatible with commercial con- 
cerns and connections, the point is settled; for I cannot on any consideration con- 
sent to violate engagements or depart from those principles of Honour which it is 
my pride to be governed by. If, on the contrary, Congress have elected me to this 
office under the expectation, that my mercantile connections and engagements 
were to continue, an express declaration of these sentiments should appear on the 
minutes, that no doubt may arise or reflections be cast on this score hereafter." 

Morris also claimed the right of appointing those who were to assist, as he 
could only in that way be responsible. It appears that the Committee, who 
probably reflected the opinion of Congress, especially of Samuel Adams who was 
afraid of delegating even the smallest shadows of power to anybody, wanted 
more definite information concerning the persons included under the control of the 
removing power of Morris and desired to make a list of them. There were few 
men who did so much for their country as Robert Morris; he pledged his personal 
notes at six months after date and the proceeds were used to purchase supplies 
for the army. 

"A vast deal of speculation was carried on by the Government officials in 
these days. Extravagance is the legitimate child of speculation and notwithstand- 
ing the Puritan severity of the revolutionary times the words of extravagance 
rankly flourished not only in the management of public business but in the affairs 
of private life." 

Hancock as Chief Magistrate of Massachusetts led the way in that State. 
"In a series of routs, balls and glittering re-unions, entirely incompatible with the 
stern spirit of republicanism which had produced and sustained the Revolution." 
Franklin wrote in 1779: "The extravagant luxury of our Country in the midst of 
all its distresses is to me amazing when the difficulties are so great to find remit- 
tances to pay for the Armies and Ammunition necessary of our defense. 

"I am astonished and vexed to find upon inquiry that much of the greatest 
part of Congress interest bill comes to pay for the tea and a great part of the 
remainder is ordered to be laid out in gewgaws and superfluities. The articles 
of rum and tea alone which are drank in this Country would pay all its taxes. 
But when we add sugar, coffee, feathers and the whole list of bubbles and trinkets, 
what an enormous expense." . . . "My Countrymen are all grown very tasty." . . . 
"Feathers and Jordens must all be imported. A New Hampshire man who drinks 
forty shillings of rum in a year and never thinks of the expense will raise a mob to 
reduce the Garrison's salary which amounts to threepence a man per annum"- 
(Noah Webster, "Coll. of Essays," page 129). 

"The winter during which the forces of Washington remained half-starved 
at Valley Forge and in which their Commander complained so bitterly of the 
sullen or hostile attitude of the population was long remembered in Philadelphia 
for its gaiety and charm." In May, 1778, a more than commonly splendid festival 



4 o THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

was given by the English officers in honour of Sir William Howe, who was just 
leaving America, and his brother. It was called the Mischianzo and a magnifi- 
cent tournament, a regatta, a ball, a great display of fireworks with innumerable 
emblems and exhibition of loyalty to England. It brought together one of the 
most brilliant assemblages ever known of youth, beauty and fashion of Phila- 
delphia, and it was afterwards remembered that the unfortunate Major Andre 
was one of the most prominent in organizing the entertainment and that this most 
adorned of the Philadelphia beauties was Miss Shippen, soon after to become 
the wife of Benedict Arnold" — (Green's "Historical View of the American 
Revolution"). 




NEW ENGLAND'S THRIFT. 

EW ENGLAND'S thrift developed very early in the Revolution. 
After the battle of Concord, the Colonists commenced to send in 
their claim for damage sustained. The following are from but 
few of many: 

"Damage Done During the Fight." 

"Accompt of the loss Mr. James Call sustained April 19, 1775. Containing 
the following articles. Then follows a list of sixty-four different articles." Among 
them were, '"A New Psalm Book — a new Book 'The Death of Abel.' Three 
pairs of cotton stockins, mens. Three pair White Yarn — Do — two pounds hard 
Soap. From Mr. James Miller of Charlestown's list 'one gallond rum, one beaver 
hat.' The most remarkable Claim was that of Estate of Samuel Shed. 'To 1 1 
acres of pasture laid open all the season of the summer for which I was offered by 
Mr. Honeywall £2-15-4'" — ("Beginning of the American Revolution," by 
Ellen Chase, Boston). 

Just why Mr. Shed did not replace his fence, history does not state. 




NEW ENGLAND ENGROSSED IN PRIVATEERING. 

'MERICAN Navy appears to have been almost wholly manned by 
natives, and in this respect it furnished a great contrast to the 
army, in which the foreign element was very prominent. The 
popularity, however, of the regular naval force could never 
compete with that of privateering, which was soon practiced 
from the New England and Pennsylvania coasts on a scale and 
iwith a daring and success rarely equalled. The zest with which 
the Americans threw themselves into this lucrative form of enterprise is a curious 
contrast to their extreme reluctance to take arms in the field. 'Thousands of 
schemes for privateering,' wrote John Adams in August, 1776, 'are afloat in Amer- 
ican imaginations.' In the beginning of the war this kind of enterprise was es- 
pecially successful, for a swarm of privateers were afloat before the English appear 
to have had the smallest suspicion of their danger." 

" Naval History of the American Revolution " — Rev. Edward E. Hale, D.D. 

It is a misfortune for the history of this country that no intelligent man in 
New England interested himself in the systematic history of the privateer enter- 
prises of the United States in the Revolution while the seamen lived who engaged 
in them. But no such person undertook this historical work, and the materials 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 41 

do not now exist from which it can be thoroughly done. Some details noticed by 
authors of this time excite attention and surprise as they reveal the magnitude 
and number of the prizes made by privateers. Such is the statement, cited above, 
that the prizes sent in by Whipple in one cruise exceeded one million dollars in 
value. Hutchinson, in his diary, reports the belief that seventy thousand New- 
Englanders were engaged in privateering at one time. ... In the year 1781 the 
privateer fleet of the port of Salem alone consisted of fifty-nine vessels, which 
carried nearly four thousand men. ... In 1780 the Admiralty Court of the Essex 
district of Massachusetts, which was the largest of the admiralty districts, had 
condemned 818 prizes. It must be supposed that other districts were not insig- 
nificant. In the single month of May, 1779, eighteen prizes were brought into 
New London. . . . "But an incomplete list in the Massachusetts Archives of those 
commissioned in that State gave us the name of two hundred and seventy-six 
vessels. As the reader has seen, the fleets from Rhode Island, Connecticut and 
Philadelphia were also large. It would probably be fair to say that between the 
beginning and end of the war more than five hundred privateers were commissioned 
by the different States. ... In the year 1777 the whole number of officers and 
men in the English navy were eighty-seven thousand. Although Hutchinson's 
estimate is probably an overestimate, it is to be remembered that, as the reader 
has seen, there were at the same time very considerable Naval forces in the employ 
of the several States and of the United States Government. This would show 
that, man for man, the numerical forces engaged by the two parties were not 
very much unlike. In the Atlantic Ocean, the Americans seemed to have out- 
numbered the English. . . . 

"The Navy of Massachusetts between the beginning and end of the war 
numbered at least twenty-four vessels. . . . Between the beginning and end of the 
War, the Salem vessels alone numbered nearly one hundred and fifty. The 
Massachusetts Archives give a list of three hundred and sixty-five as commissioned 
and belonging in Boston. If we had lists, equally full of privateers which sailed 
from Falmouth (Portland), from the Merrimac, from Marblehead, from Falmouth, 
Dartmouth, Plymouth, Barnstable, and other towns on Cape Cod, it is probable 
that we should enlarge the list of Massachusetts privateers so that it should include 
more than six hundred vessels." 

("Winsor's Narrative and Critical History." Vol. VI, pages 584-588.) 

The average crew was about sixty-six men to a vessel. There would be thirty- 
nine thousand six hundred men from Massachusetts alone engaged in the privateer- 
ing. The privateering was carried on in a most reckless manner, little respect 
was paid to whom the prize belonged, friend and foe were treated very much alike. 
May 9, 1778, President Laurens was obliged to issue a proclamation: "Whereas 
Congress have received information and Complaints, 'That violence has been done 
by American armed vessels to Neutral Nations in seizing ships belonging to their 
subjects and under their colors, and in making captures of those of the enemy 
whilst under the, protection of neutral Coasts, contrary to the usage and Custom 
of Nations.' To the end that such unjustifiable piratical acts which reflect dis- 
honour upon the National Character of these States, may be in future effectually 
prevented. . . . And further; the said Congress doth hereby Resolve and Declare 
that persons wilfully offending any of the foregoing instances, if taken by any 
foreign powers in consequence thereof, shall not be considered as having the 
right to claim protection from these States, but shall suffer such punishment 
as by the usage and customs of Nations may be inflicted. . . . 

"The tide of speculation having once set in could not easily be turned." 

Long after the War had closed speculation still continued. "The Country 
swarms with speculation," says Webster. 

How different the State of Affairs in New York. 



4^ 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 



James Duane Grieves Over the Extravagance of Living and the 
Intolerable Burdens of Public Business. 

"Philad. 27th April 1779. 
"The extravagance of living here is beyond description and the burden of 
public business, intolerable. I am for my own part worn down and stand in great 
need of Relaxation. ... I must beg your Excellency's Indulgence the more so as I 
am here without Summer Clothes, and can not reconcile it to my feelings to pur- 
chase at the immoderate prices which are current. 

"James Duane. 
"His Excellency Governor Clinton." 
("Clinton Papers," Vol. IV, p. 761.) 




LOANS TO THE STATES. 

Funds Advanced by the National Government 

"Philadelphia 6' Sep'r 1778. 
IR: By Dr. Jones, who will deliver this to your Excellency, 
I do myself the Honor to enclose a short memorandum of the 
Sums advanced from the Continental Treasury to the several 
States of the Union. I shall make no comments. The Paper 
contains Information and, therefore, 1 have sent it to your Ex- 
cellency's Prudence. . . . 

Gouv. Morris. 



" (To Gov. George Clinton) 



Maryland 

Virginia 

North Carolina 
South Carolina . 



607,000 
370,000 
700,000 
930,000 



Georgia 1,036,000 

Total 1 1,002,000 



New Hampshire 679,000 

Massachusetts 1,150,000 

Rhode Island 1,392,000 

Connecticut 676,000 

New York 485,000 

New Jersey 546,000 

Pennsylvania 2,182,000 

Delaware 49,000 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. Ill, p. 740.) 

Notwithstanding the great poverty of our State, they received the smallest 
amount other than Delaware, and Virginia, and yet when our Congressmen applied 
for a just assessment to govern the amount they should pay they were refused. 
Seldom has any Congress been so unjust as in this case. 



CONGRESS INFLICTS A GREAT INJUSTICE ON NEW YORK. 

By the United States in Congress Assembled February 77, 1788: 

MOTION was made by Mr. Dyer seconded by Mr. Mercer in 
the words following: 'WHEREAS by the 8th Article of the Con- 
federation and perpetual Union it is agreed and declared that all 
charges of War and all other expenses for the common defence 
of general Welfare allowed by the United States in Congress 
Assembled shall be defrayed out of a common Treasury which 
^ shall be supplied by the Several States in proportion to the Value 
of all land within each State granted to or surveyed for any person as such Land 
and Buildings and Improvements thereon shall be estimated according to such 




THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 43 

mode as the United States in Congress Assembled -shall from time to time direct 
and appoint. 

"'RESOLVED That the Legislature of each State be and they are hereby 
required to take such measures as shall appear to them most effectual for obtaining 
a just and Accurate Account of the Quantity of Land in such State granted to 
or surveyed for any person, the number of Buildings thereon distinguishing 
Dwelling Houses from other Buildings, and the number of its Inhabitants dis- 
tinguishing White from Black. That the Legislature of each State be and they 
are hereby also required to cause the said Account to be transmitted and delivered 
to Congress on or before the first day of March 1784 & that Congress will on the 
Second Day of March 1784, or at their next sitting thereafter, appoint a Grand 
Committee consisting of a member present from each State to take into con- 
sideration the said Returns, any nine of whom occurring shall make a just and 
true Estimate of the value of afl lands in each of the United States granted to or 
surveyed for any person, and the Buildings and Improvements thereon and shall 
report such Estimate to Congress. . . . That the said estimate when appraised 
by Congress shall be a rule for adjusting all Accounts between the United States 
and the Individual States, that is, each State shall be debited for its just Quota 
or proportion on the principle aforesaid of the money theretofore advanced or 
paid, and of the Amount in Value of the supplies furnished by all the States for 
the Service of the United States and Credited for the money advanced, and the 
Amount in value of the supplies furnished by such State for the Service of the 
United States. That the said estimate shall operate for a term not exceeding 
five years as a rule for Apportioning on the several States the sums which Congress 
shall from time to time deem necessary and require to be raised for supporting the 
public Credit and Contingent Expenses, and that the Money which shall be paid 
from time to time by any State into the Continental Treasury on Account of such 
Quota or Apportionment shall be duly passed to the Credit of such State on the 
said Account.'" 



CONGRESS NEGATIVES A RESOLUTION THAT DISCRIMINATED 
IN FAVOR OF NEW YORK. 

The United States in Congress Assembled. 

"March 4, 1788: 

'MOTION was made by Mr. Hamilton Seconded by Mr. Floyd: 
r 'WHEREAS in the opinion of Congress it is essential to those 
principles of justice and liberality which ought to govern the 
intercourse between these States that in the final adjustment of 
Accounts for the Supplies or Contributions of the States respec- 
tively towards the Common expences in the course of the War. 
M equitable allowances should be made in favour of those States 
part of which have been at different periods in possession of the Enemy. 

'"AND WHEREAS, the Strict application of the rule prescribed by the 
8th Article of the Confederation as declared by the Resolution of the 17th of 
February would operate greatly to the prejudice of such States, and to the Calam- 
ities of War add an undue proportion of the public burden; 

'"RESOLVED. That Congress will in the application of the said rule make 
such abatements in favour of the said States, as from a full Consideration of 
Circumstances, as shall appear to them just and equitable for the time the said 
parts of the said States may have been in possession of the Enemy.' 

"On the question to agree to the foregoing Motion the Yeas and Nays being 
required by Mr. Hamilton:— Nays 26, Yeas 5." 
("Clinton Papers," Vol. VIII, p. 81.) 




44 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

Notwithstanding a large portion of our State was the seat of war and occupied 
by the English, including New York City, we were assessed the same as States 
who had seen but little of the hardships, in fact, had carried on the most lucrative 
business of privateering. 




HAMILTON ATTACKS CONGRESS. 

"Headquarters, Feb'y 13, 1778. 
'EAR SIR, I did myself the honor of writing to you, immediately 
after my arrival at Headquarters, in answer to two letters I 
found here, from you. 

"There is a matter, which often obtrudes itself upon my 
mind, and which requires the attention of every person of sense 
and influence, among us — I mean a degeneracy of representation 
_ in the great Council of America. It is a melancholy truth Sir, 
and the effects of which we dayly see and feel, that there is not so much wisdom in 
a certain body, as there ought to be, and as the success of our affairs absolutely 
demands. Many members of it are no doubt men in every respect, fit for the 
trust, but this cannot be said of it as a body. Folly, caprice, a want of foresight, 
comprehension and dignity, characterise the general tenor of their actions. Of 
this I dare say, you are sensible, though you have not perhaps so many oppor- 
tunities of knowing it as I have. Their conduct with respect to the army especially 
is feeble, indecisive and improvident — insomuch, that we are reduced to a more 
terrible situation than you can conceive. False and contracted views of economy 
have prevented them, though repeatedly urged to it, from making that provision 
for officers which was requisite to interest them in the service; which has pro- 
duced such carelessness and indifference to the service, as is subversive of every 
officer-like quality. They have disgusted the army by repeated instances of the 
most whimsical favouritism in their promotions; and by an absurd prodigality 
of rank to foreigners and to the meanest staff of the army. They have not been 
able to summon resolution enough to withstand the impudent importunity and 
vain boasting of foreign pretenders; but have manifested such a docility and in- 
constancy in their proceedings, as will warrant the charge of suffering themselves 
to be bullied, by every petty rascal, who comes armed with ostentatious pretensions 
of military merit and experience. Would you believe it Sir, it is become almost 
proverbial in the mouths of the French officers and other foreigners, that they 
have nothing more to do, to obtain whatever they please, than to assume a high 
tone and assert their own merit with confidence and perseverance? These things 
wound my feelings as a republican more than I can express; and in some degree 
make me contemptible in my own eyes. 

"By injudicious changes and arrangements in the Commissary's department, 
in the middle of a campaign, they have exposed the army frequently to temporary 
want, and to the danger of a dissolution, from absolute famine. At this very day 
there are complaints from the whole line, of having been three or four days without 
provisions; desertions have been immense, and strong features of mutiny begin 
to show themselves. It is indeed to be wondered at, that the soldiery have mani- 
fested so unparallelled a degree of patience, as they have. If effectual measures 
are not speedily adopted, I know not how we shall keep the army together or 
make another campaign. 

"I omit saying anything of the want of Cloathing for the army. It may 
be disputed whether more could have been done than has been done. 

"If'you look into their conduct in the civil line, you will equally discover a 
deficiency of energy, dignity and extensiveness of views; but of this you can better 
judge than myself, and it is unnecessary to particularise. 

"America once had a representation, that would do honor to any age or nation. 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 45 

"The present falling off is very alarming and dangerous. What is the Cause? 
or how is it to be remedied? are questions that the welfare of these States requires 
should be well attended to. The great men who composed our first council; 
are they dead, have they deserted the cause, or what has become of them? Very 
few are dead and still fewer have deserted the cause; — they are all except the few 
who still remain in Congress either in the field, or in the civil officers of their re- 
spective states; far the greater part are engaged in the latter. The only remedy 
then is to take them out of these employments and return them to the place, where 
their presence is infinitely more important. 

"Each State in order to promote its own internal government and prosperity, 
has selected its best members to fill the offices within itself, and conduct its own 
affairs. Men have been fonder of the emoluments and conveniences, of being 
employed at home, and local attachment, falsely operating, has been made then 
more provident for the particular interests of the states to which they belonged, 
than for the common interests of the confederacy. This is a most pernicious 
mistake, and must be corrected. However important it is to give form and 
efficiency to your interior constitutions and police; and it is infinitely more im- 
portant to have a wise general council; otherwise a failure of the measures of 
the union will overturn all your labours for the advancement of your particular 
good and ruin the common cause. You should not beggar the councils of the 
United States to enrich the administration of the several members. Realize to 
yourself the consequences of having a Congress despised at home and abroad. 

"How can the common force be exerted, if the power of collecting it be put in 
weak foolish and unsteady hands? How can we hope for success in our European 
negotiations, if the nations oFEurope have no confidence in the wisdom and vigor, 
of the great Continental Government? This is the object on which their eyes are 
fixed, hence it is America will drive its importance or insignificance, in their 
estimation. 

"Arguments to you Sir, need not to be multiplied to enforce the necessity of 
having a good general Council, neither do I think we shall very widely differ as to 
the fact that the present is very far from being such. 

"The sentiments I have advanced are not fit for the vulgar ear; and circum- 
stanced as I am, I should with caution utter them except to those in whom I may 
place an entire confidence. But it is time that men of weight and understanding 
should take the alarm, and excite each other to a proper remedy. For my part, 
my insignificance, allows me to do nothing more, than to hint my apprehensions 
to those of that description who are pleased to favour me with their confidence. 
In this view, I write to you. 

"As far as I can judge, the remarks I have made do not apply to your state 
nearly so much as to the other twelve. You have a Duane and a Morris and 
may I not add a Duer? But why do you not send your Jay and your R. R. Living- 
ston ? I wish General Schuyler was either explicitly in the army or in the Congress. 
For yourself, Sir, though I mean no compliments you must not be spared from where 
you are. 

" But the design of this letter is not so much that you may use your influence, 
in improving or enlarging your own representation, as in, discreetly, giving the 
alarm to other States, through the medium of your confidential friends. Indeed 
Sir, it is necessary there should be a change. America will shake to its center, 
if there is not. 

"You and I had some conversation when I had the pleasure of seeing you 
last with respect to the existence of a certain faction. Since I saw you, I have 
discovered such convincing traits of the monster, that I cannot doubt its reality 
in the most extensive sense. I dare say, you have seen and heard enough to settle 
the matter, in your own mind. I believe it unmasked its batteries too soon and 
begins to hide its head; but as I imagine it will only change the storm to a sap; 
all the true and sensible friends to their country, and of course to a certain great 
man, ought to be upon the watch, to counterplot the secret machinations of his 



46 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

enemies. Have you heard any thing of Conway's history? He is one of the 
vermin bred in the entrails of this chimera dire, and there does not exist a more 
villainous calumniator and incendiary. He is gone to Albany on a certain ex- 
pedition. 

"I am with great regard and respect, Sir, Your most Obed. servant, 

"Alexander Hamilton. 

"His Excellency Governor Clinton, Poughkeepsie." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. II, p. 680.) 




EVACUATION OF NEW YORK BY THE ENGLISH TROOPS 

Tuesday, November 25, 1783. 

Our Great Holiday {should be) 

UTSIDE of Christmas and New Year's the three days looked 
forward to with keenest anticipation in this City before the War 
of the Rebellion for rejoicing and jollification, were Washington's 
Birthday, the Fourth of July and Evacuation Day." 

Early in March, 1783, Governor Clinton received from 
Colonel Floyd news that articles of peace were being prepared, and 
on March 25, "Preliminary Articles for a General Peace were signed." This was 
the beginning of an end of the most glorious conflict in history. The Union born 
in the Merchant's Coffee House, New York, May 23, 1774, was now to become a 
fact. Many of the Colonists who had accomplished this great object were rejoicing, 
and in their great glee forgetting their sister Colony. Poor dear old New York, it 
would seem that, having born the brunt of the Revolution, suffering when many of 
the other Colonies grew rich, furnishing the largest percentage of the soldiers, 
contributing its grain and forage for the army, now solving the complicated 
questions arising from departing of loyalists and return of the patriots to her 
great city that was still occupied by the English troops. The care of the remaining 
remnants of a discontented army, her border overrun with murdering bands of 
Canadians and Indians, and threatened on her northeastern border by armed inva- 
sion from a sister State, and another State claiming all east of the Hudson River. 
These are all matters of history, but little mentioned by those who have preferred 
"hearsay" to actual facts. 

William Floyd, Philadelphia, March 25, 1783, wrote Governor Clinton: 
"However inclined the enemy may be to Remove I expect the want of transports 
will prevent them for some time yet to come. In this Situation if there should 
be an (open) communication into New York, great speculation would be carried 
on perhaps to the Injury of our State, if your Excellency by agreement with General 
Carleton could form a Regulation that would stop it, it might be attended with 
very salutary effects: 

"Great Numbers in this town are forming plans to go into New York on 
Speculation — I hope such steps will be taken on the part of our State as will ef- 
fectually Defeat them." ("Clinton Papers," Vol. VIII, p. 94.) 

From 1776 until November 25, 1783, the British troops occupied New York 
City. Seldom in history has there been such a trying position as our State was 
thus placed. Thousands of loyalists departing, and equal number of patriots 
anxious to return to their old homes. Speculators from other States endeavoring 
to buy property and goods from those departing. 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 47 

From Robert R. Livingston to Governor Clinton 

"Philadelphia 19th— Dec. 1783 (Feb. 19) 

"D'r Sir: I believe I have mentioned to your Excellency the propriety of setting 
aside a part of the houses in New York for public purpose." . . . " I am the most 
anxious for this as I find the Eagle Eyes of Speculation have already marked 
the best of them for their own, and some of those who fastened on the spoils of the 
public have a strong interest in the legislature. 

"I expect that efforts will be made for an immediate disposition of the 
property." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. VIII, p. 78.) 

"From all sides our Sister States were anxiously awaiting opportunity to 
take advantage of our misfortunate position." 



John Morin Scott's Project for the Protection of New York upon the 
Evacuation of the British Army 

"Fish Kill, April 4th, 1783. 
"D'r Sir: I take the liberty to hand you the inclosed paper; the contents of which 
were hastily thrown together for your Excellency's consideration and perusal. 
One Inducement, among others, which led me to do it, was an Information that 
Connecticut has opened a wide door for the admission of all disaffected and their 
property. A Scheme evidently calculated to build themselves upon our Ruins. 
As one instance of this, it is reported that Jo: Smith is either gone or going to that 
State with £30000 worth of Dry Goods. If those things cannot speedily be pre- 
vented, God only knows what will become of our poor State, already brought to the 
Verge of ruin by the War. I take the Liberty to intreat your Excellency's senti- 
ments on the inclosed with as much speed as may be convenient, and am with the 
greatest respect, 

"Your Excellency's most obedient Servant, 

" (General) Jno. Morin Scott. 

"His Excellency Gov. Clinton." 

("Clinton Papers," Vol. VIII, p. 132.) 

Plan for gaining possession of the southern district by the temporary govern- 
ment thereof may be found in Volume VIII of the "Clinton Public Papers," page 
132. With some modification they were adopted and were of great assistance in 
peacefully settling many difficult questions that arose from time to time. On the 
night of Saturday, April 5th, Sir Guy Carleton received the official Notification 
from England. 

"Head-Quarters, 21 April, 1783. 

"Sir, I have the satisfaction of enclosing to your Excellency a proclamation, that 
I have received from the Sovereign power of the United States, ordering a general 
cessation of hostilities, as well by sea as land, with directions that the same should 
be published to all the subjects under my command. In Compliance with these 
instructions, the same was made public in the American Camp on the 19th, with 
mv orders that it should be made known at all the out-posts of the American Army 
as soon as possible." — (Extract from General Washington to General Carleton at 
New York. Ford's Writings of Washington, Vol. X.) 

There was a conference between General Washington ami Sir Guy Carleton 



48 THE NEED OE A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

at Tappan, May 6th, 1783 ("Clinton Papers," Volume VIII, page 165). The 
following participated with General Washington, Gen. Clinton and Egbert Benson, 
Jno M. Scott and Jona Trumbull, Jur. 

On May 20th a meeting of a Council was held at "Pokeepsie" to protest 
against Sir Guy Carleton's indifference. These were present: His Excellency 
the Governor, Mr. Chief-Justice Morris, Mr. Justice Hobart, Mr. John Morin 
Scott, Mr. Zephaniah Piatt, Mr. Stephen Ward, Mr. John Lawrence, Mr. Daniel 
Dunscomb, Mr. Thomas Tredwell, Mr. Robert Harpur, Mr. John Williams, 
Mr. Thomas Wickes, Mr. William Duer. It was not until November 25, 1783, 
that the English soldiers evacuated our soil and we became the United States of 
America. For seven long years had we been contending for this object — the 
expulsion of England's Government and on that day accomplished. Never had 
there in our country been such rejoicing. July 4, 1776, we declared our independ- 
ence, and November 25, 1783, it became a fact to us and "The Day of Days." 
To our great discredit we have allowed it to be forgotten. Had the great event 
occurred in any other city it would have been at least a legal holiday. 

Seldom since that memorable day has there been so great an occasion for 
thanksgiving as on Thursday, November 25th, not only in gratitude for being at 
peace with the whole world while Europe is struggling in the greatest conflict, 
but also as on it occurres the anniversary of our 132a 1 birthday. It is to be hoped 
our President and Governor will remember this circumstance. 

On December 4, 1783, occurred one of the most pathetic incidents of the long 
struggle. In the Long Room of Fraunces Tavern (corner of Pearl and Broad 
Streets) Washington bade farewell to his officers. "With a heart full of love and 
gratitude, I now take leave of you. ... I most devotedly wish, that your latter days 
may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been gracious and 
honorable." The closing event of the Revolutionary period occurred April 30, 
1789, when General Washington took the oath of office as first President of the 
United States under the new Constitution on the balcony of the City Hall — at the 
head of Broad and Wall Streets. 

While this was one of the greatest events occurring in our country, historians 
have treated it very lightly in their meager accounts, emitting many facts showing 
the great interest it created at the time. From the very earliest commencement 
of our Colony and State, but little effort has been made to place before the public 
the epoch-making deeds that have taken place within her borders. That pleasur- 
able duty has been left to us. "A man who is proud of his State or Country 
is likely to be a better citizen because of such pride. But how can one have any 
intelligent pride in his Country if he knows nothing of its history?" — (Dr. Sherman 
Williams.) 



CITY HALL— STATE HOUSE— CONGRESS HALL— FEDERAL HALL. 

'HE first City Hall was originally built by the city for a tavern 
in 1646 (on site of present 73 Pearl Street). It became "Stud- 
thuy's," or City Hall, in 1653. In 1697 it was "deemed unsafe." 
"Certain masons and carpenters 'examined' the building. . . . 
Was of the opinion that with six studs and a plank the building 
might be secured from any danger of falling." In 1698 a "Com- 
mittee selected a site opposite the upper end of Broad Street 
for a new building. A plan of the building designed by James Evetts was pre- 
sented and the site and plan approved." The building was finished about 1700. 
The present Sub-Treasury building is not exactly on the same site. The 




THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 49 

old City Hall extended across the present Nassau Street. The small deviation 
of the Bankers' Trust Company Building, Nassau Street, frontage is owing to a 
path from Wall to Nassau Street, on the west side of the City Hall. 

The "Cage, Pillory, Whipping Post, and Stocks" were removed to the upper 
end of Broad Street, about in front of the Stock Exchange and the offices of J. P. 
Morgan & Co., in 1703. 

171 5 — Mr. Stephen Delancey presented fifty pounds to the city (his salary 
as a member of the General Assembly) for a clock, which was built in 1716 by 
Joseph Phillips, costing about £65. 

171 8 — There were some alterations made, including a small balcony. 

1738 — The cupola was removed and a new one erected. 

1763 — "Which was a peiiod when improvements, both private and public, 
were greatly encouraged in the City." The City Hall was altered and improved 
at a very considerable expense. A committee of the Common Council reported 
a plan of "Alteration and Ornaments," to the building, which was approved and 
to defray the computed cost of £3,000 a lottery was established. Among other 
improvements, the building was made much higher, and roofed with copper pro- 
cured from England. The "canopy" or "balcony" in the front of the building 
was brought out to range with the two wings. A cupola of more imposing dimen- 
sions was raised upon the building; and a bell of larger dimensions than the old 
one. 

In 1788 there was a very spirited contest between Philadelphia and New 
York for the honor of having the seat of government. 

From New York Journal, August 14, 1788: "Yesterday the question for 
filling up the blank in the ordinance for organizing the New Government, fixing 
the place for the meeting of the Congress, When for New York there appeared 
five states and a-half, against it, four and a-half; ten states only being present 
which voted. From the present complexion there is the greatest reason to hope 
that the question will finally be carried in favor of New York." 

New York Journal, March 5, 1789. — "We hear that the improvements of the 
City Hall are so far completed as to receive that respectable body. It is converted 
into a superb edifice every way convenient for the grand purpose for which it was 
designed, and is a rich and we hope will be a lasting ornament to the City." The 
building was improved and altered according to plans of Major L'Enfants, a 
French engineer, and then called Federal Hall. 

1802 — A new City Hall (the present one). After much doubt and hesitation 
as to the expense, the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars was voted. 
The corner-stone was laid September 20, 1803, by Edward Livingston, Mayor, 
and the Corporation. 

July 4, 181 1, the Corporation met at the new City Hall in the Mayor's room 
for the first time. The actual cost of the building was $538,733.45. 



NO COMPREHENSIVE HISTORY OF OUR STATE. 

HE following are the number of histories of the original States: 
New Hampshire, 4; Massachusetts, 8; Rhode Island, 4; Con- 
necticut, 5; New York, o; New Jersey, 8; Pennsylvania, 8; 
Delaware, 3; Maryland, 8; Virginia, 7; North Carolina, 5; 
South Carolina, 3; Georgia, 5. 

Among the numerous holidays observed in our State, not 
one is in commemoration of any event within its border, nor to the honor of a 
citizen. 




So 



THE NEED OE A HISTORY OE NEW YORK 



Table showing percentage of troops contributed to the Continental cause in proportion 

to the inhabitants. 



Colony Inhabitants 1 

New York 165,000 3 

Massachusetts 291,000 

Connecticut 196,000 

New Hampshire 81,000 

Rhode Island 5 5,000 

Georgia 26,000 

New Jersey 1 20,000 

Pennsylvania 302,000 

Maryland 200,000 

Delaware 37,000 

North Carolina : . . . 200,000 

South Carolina 175,000 



Troops 2 


Approx. 
Percentage 


51,979 ' 
69,907 


32 
24 


31,939 


16 


12,497 

5,908 

2,679 

10,726 

25,678 


15 
II 

IO 

9 

9 


i3>9 12 

2,386 
7,263 


7 
6 

4 


6,417 


4 



Table showing the number and States in which battles of the Revolution were fought. 
It must also be remembered New York was overrun with Canadians, Indians 

and Tories. 

BATTLES OF THE REVOLUTION, I775-I783 



Massachusetts. . 

Canada 

New York. . . . 
Connecticut. . . . 
Rhode Island . . 
Pennsylvania . . 
New Jersey . . . . 

Delaware 

Virginia 

South Carolina . 
North Carolina 
Georgia 



Total 27 



1775 


1776 


1777 


1778 


1779 


1780 


1 78 1 


1782 


II 


3 




















7 


8 




















2 


21 


27 


6 


1 1 


14 


10 


1 


1 





3 





6 


1 


3 





1 





2 


2 























5 

















4 


10 


4 


4 


8 


1 











2 

















3 


1 


1 


1 


1 





9 





2 


5 








6 


35 


2 5 


6 





1 











4 


8 








1 


1 


3 


7 


2 


4 


4 



44 



46 



21 



35 



64 



60 



11 



New York 92 

South Carolina 79 

New Jersey 31 

Georgia 22 

Virginia 16 

Canada 15 



Massachusetts 14 

Connecticut 14 

North Carolina 13 

Rhode Island 5 5 

Pennsylvania 5 

Delaware 2 



1 United States Census estimate. 

2 " Battles of the American Revolution." — Col. Henry B. Carrington, M.A., LL.D. 

3 Population 190,000, less City of New York, Westchester, and Brooklyn in possession of the 
English, say 25,000 — 165,000. 

4 "Archives of the Colony and Stare of New York."— James A. ROBERTS, Controller, 1898. 
a From " Historical Register of Officers of the Continental Army, 1 775-1783." — Heitman. 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 



5i 



From " Decisive Battles of America," edited by Ripley Hitchcock. 
Showing our State has been the battle-field of the Nation. 

Conquest of the Pequots l &37 — Connecticut. 

Champlain's Battle with the Iroquois 1646 — New York. 

Defeat of King Philip 1673 — Massachusetts. 

. Fall of Quebec 1759 — Canada. 

Bunker Hill 1775 — Massachusetts. 

Saratoga 1777 — New York. 

Yorktown 1781 — Virginia. 

Lake Erie 18 13 — New York. 

Lake Champlain 1814 — New York. 

Usually you would expect the Colonies in which the great events of the Revolu- 
tion took place would be most mentioned in history, but such has not been the case, 
as shown by "History of the United States of America." By George Bancroft. 
Six volumes. 

Number of times mentioned: Massachusetts, 277; Boston, 115; Virginia, 
248; New York, no; New York City, 39; Pennsylvania, 80; Connecticut, 54. 

The statesmen who did most for our country during the Revolutionary period 
have shared the same injustice. General Washington stood pre-eminently at the 
head. The others in rotation, according to their service. 

Gouverneur Morris was no doubt one of the shrewdest observers of current 
events in his day and said, "The purity of the patriotism of John Jay entitles him 
to stand by the side of Washington." 

Number of times mentioned: John Jay, New York, 38; Benjamin Franklin, 
Pennsylvania, 121; Robert Morris, Pennsylvania, 38; George Clinton, New York, 
24; John Adams, Massachusetts, 84; Jonathan Trumbull, Connecticut, 12; Gouver- 
neur Morris, New York, 38; John Dickinson, Pennsylvania, 42; Patrick Henry, 
Virginia, 41 ; Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, 49; James Duane, New York, 9; Samuel 
Adams, Massachusetts, 82; Robert R. Livingston, New York, 12. 



NEW YORK'S COMMITTEE OF CORRESPONDENCE. 



Elected by the patriotic citizens of the city, 
them in corresponding with their sister Colonies. 
Congress through their Committees was worked out 
the great Revolution. 



John Alsop 
William Bayard 
Theophilaet Bache 
Peter V. B. Livingston 
Phillip Livingston 
Isaac Sears 
David Johnson 
Charles McEvers 
Charles Nicholl 
Alexander McDougall 
Capt. Thomas Randall 
John Moore 
Leonard Lispenard 
Jacobus Van Zant 
James Duane 
Edward Laight 
Isaac Low 



Gerardus Duycknick 
Peter Van Schaack 
Henry Ramsen 
Hamilton Young 
George Bowne 
Peter T. Curtenius 
Peter Goelet 
Thomas Persall 
Elias Desbrosses 
William Walton 
Richard Yates 
John De Lancey 
John Thurman 
John Broome 
John Jay. 
Abraham Brasher 
Miles Sherwood 



May 16, 1774, to represent 

Prior to the first Colonial 

the plan that brought about 

Benjamin Booth 
John Hallett 
Charles Shaw 
Alexander Wallace 
James Jauncey 
Gabriel H. Ludlow 
Nicholas Hoffman 
Abraham Walton 
Gerard W. Beekman 
Abraham P. Lott 
David Van Home 
Abraham Duryee 
William McAdam 
Richard Sharp 
Thomas Marston 
Joseph Bull 



52 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 




EAR SIR: 

"The Members of the Lower Wall Street Business Men's 
Association whose offices are in our Country's most Historical 
Centre, realizing the neglect on the part of many writers of 
History, in failing to give proper importance to Historical Events 
occurring in our State, invited the Historical and Patriotic 
Societies of the City to join with them whereby a plan may be 
formulated that a History of our State might be written. October 31, 1914 — A 
meeting of the Delegates from many of the Societies was held at the Coffee Ex- 
change. Dr. George F. Kunz, Vice-President of the 'Tercentenary Commission,' 
presided. Addresses were made by Col. Asa Bird Gardiner, Hon. Charles H. Sher- 
rill, Dr. William Eliott Griffis of Ithaca, Dr. Thomas E. Finnegan, State Education 
Dept., and A. Wakeman, Secretary. 

"A resolution was adopted that Mr. William Bayne, Jr., President of the 
Association, appoint a ' Committee of Nine ' to carry out the objects of the meeting. 

"The following plan given below was considered most available. Invitations 
were sent to the Historical and Patriotic Societies and Associations throughout the 
State asking for their co-operation. Favorable responses were received from 
practically all the Societies, representing a membership of over 30,000 of our best 
citizens. 

"The Press very kindly and greatly assisted by publishing notices of the pro- 
posed Historical Contest. The Committee have received 160 applications for their 
conditions from all over the Country, and one from England, showing the great 
interest there has been taken. 

"The Subjects for Essays have been selected with the view of having fuller 
accounts written of important events occurring in Our State, than can be expected 
in the History. In the Public Libraries and with our Historical Societies are many 
original manuscripts of the greatest importance to the history of our State, that 
remain inaccessible to the general reader. The Committee hope they may be 
able to publish the more important ones. As its History belongs to the whole 
State, all should have the opportunity to assist in carrying out this great work. 

"It is their earnest desire that all publications be sold at prices so low that 
every home should have them, and if possible every public library in the State 
(gratuitously) thereby instilling a just pride in their state, within whose borders 
much history has been made. In soliciting from you a subscription, it should be 
remembered this work is lasting in its results. The publications will be of much 
benefit to the future generations as to the present. What more noble work can be 
accomplished than the uplifting of our Great State to its proper place in History 
after a century of neglect. The Committee's work is purely patriotic, and all 
money received will be devoted to the cause. Copies of the Essays and History 
will be sent to Subscribers. 

"Kindly make checks payable to Stuyvesant Fish, Treasurer, 52 Wall Street. 

"Yours very truly, 

"Committee of Nine." 



HISTORY OF NEW YORK. 



EAR SIR: 

As not a few writers concerning the History of New York 
have made statements which are inaccurate and misleading, the 
United Historical and Patriotic Socities and Associations offer 
the following conditions to be considered by those wishing to 
compete for prizes for a Historical work on New York to 1790, 
_ the beginning of Government under the Federal Constitution. 
It is desired to obtain a history that will truthfully show New York's par- 




THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 53 

ticipation in the events that led to the establishment of the United States as an 
independent nation, to be written in an interesting form. 

To encourage those who from a patriotic sense of duty might wish to assist 
in this worthy and necessary work, there are offered three prizes: First, one 
thousand dollars; second, five hundred; and third, two hundred fifty dollars for 
the manuscript considered by the Committee most deserving. 

The Committee reserve the right of increasing the emoluments, also to reject 
any or all manuscripts, but will pay for those by them selected, as above stated. 
Should they deem proper to publish same, full credit will be given to the authors. 

The manuscripts will be judged in units of one hundred. General excellency, 
accuracy, subjects not before printed, arrangement of subjects, literary style, and 
conciseness will be considered. 

Authority for all statements must be given, and if from other writers, so far 
as practicable their authority. It is the desire of the Committee that so far as 
possible all data shall be taken from original documents or contemporary papers. 

Manuscripts offered for competition must be signed with nom de plume and 
delivered to the Secretary on or before October 1, 1916, accompanied with writer's 
full name, nom de plume, and address enclosed in a sealed envelope, and with a 
letter in the form following: 

"Having read the conditions relative to the prizes offered by the United 
Historical and Patriotic Societies and Associations, I fully agree to the 
terms as stated and to accept the Committee's decision as final." 

The Manual of New York's History to contain about one hundred thousand 
words; to be printed in octavo and illustrated. 

Manuscripts must be typewritten. 

The copyright will be in the name of the United Historical and Patriotic- 
Societies and Associations, and all manuscripts not selected and paid for as above 
provided, will be returned to authors. 

It is proposed to offer a further prize of one hundred dollars for the best essay 
containing about ten thousand words, based on facts with authorities given, on 
certain subjects to be hereafter designated by the Committee. Conditions to be 
substantially similar to those provided herein for the history, except that manu- 
scripts may be offered to the Committee when and as the authors complete them. 

Committee of Nine, 
Abram Wakeman, Secretary, George F. Kunz, Chairman. 

96 Water Street. 

List of Subjects for Essays. 

1. The Character of Dutch Rule in New Netherland and the Reasons for its 
Downfall. 
The Rise and Decline of the Leislerian Party in New York. 
The Dutch and English Manorial System in New York. 
Relations with the Five Nations. 
The Struggle between the French and the English for the Ontario and Niagara 

Frontier. 
The Zenger Case and the Establishment of Freedom of the Press. 
German Immigration into New York in the Eighteenth Century. 
The Albany Congress of 1754. 
New York in the French and Indian War. 
The Controversy over the New Hampshire Grants. 

The Attitude of New York during the Controversy over the Stamp Act. 
Sons of Liberty and Committee of Correspondence, 1 765-1776. 
New York and the Policy of Commercial Non-Intercourse, 1765-1776. 
New York's Tea Party, 1774. 



54 THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 

15. New York and the Campaign of 1776. 

16. The Burgoyne Campaign, 1777. 

17. George Clinton and the Establishment of Government under the First 

State Constitution. 

18. The Career of John Jay during the Revolution. 

19. Alexander Hamilton and the Federal Constitution. 

20. Evacuation of New York by the British and Washington's Farewell to His 

Officers, 1783. 

21. History of City or Federal Hall. 

22. New York's Societies and Associations prior to 1800. 

23. Early Schools and Schoolmasters. 

24. Historical and Patriotic Societies and Associations of New York. 



Historical and Patriotic Societies and Associations Who Have Endorsed 

the Committee's Plan. 

Albany Institute and Historical Art Association. 

American Jewish Society. 

American Scenic and Historic Preservation Society. 

Broome County Historical Society. 

Buffalo Historical Society. 

Cayuga County Historical Society. 

Chautauqua County Society of History and Natural Science. 

Chappaqua Historical Society. 

City History Club of New York. 

Colonial Dames of America. 

Committee on Library — New York Stock Exchange. 

Dames of the Revolution. 

Daughters of the American Revolution. 

Daughters of the Cincinnati. 

Daughters of the Holland Dames. 

Daughters of the Revolution. 

Descendants of Colonial Governors. 

De Witt Historical Society. 

Empire State Society — Sons of the American Revolution. 

Falls House (Newburgh). 

Flushing Historical Society. 

Franklin County Historical Society. 

Genesee County Pioneer Association. 

Geneva Historical Society. 

Herkimer County Historical Society. 

Historical Society of Whitehall. 

Historical Society Newburgh Bay and the Highlands 

Holland Society of New York. 

Huguenot Society of America. 

Huntington Historical Society. 

Jefferson County Historical Society. 

Johnstown Historical Society. 

Kanestro Valley Chapter. 

King's County Historical Society. 

Livingston County Historical Society. 

Lower Wall Street Business Men's Association. 

Madison County Historical Society. 

Maiden Lane Historical Society. 

Mary Washington Colonial Chapter — D. A. R. 

Minisink Valley Historical Society. 



THE NEED OF A HISTORY OF NEW YORK 55 

Montgomery County Historical Society. 

Morris Memorial Historical Society. 

N. Y. Chapter, Daughters of the Founders and Patriots of America. 

New York Genealogical and Biographical Society. 

New York Historical Society. 

New York State Historical Association. 

New York State Society of the Cincinnati. 

New York Society of the Order of the Founders and Patriots of America. 

Niagara Frontier Historical Society. 

Oneida Historical Society. 

Oswego Historical Association. 

Putnam County Historical Society. 

Rockland Historical and Forestry Society. 

Sag Harbor Historical Society. 

Saint George's Society of New York. 

Saint Nicholas Society, City of New York. 

Salem Historical Society. 

Schoharie County Historical Society. 

Seneca Falls Historical Society. 

Scottsville Literary Society. 

Society of Tammany, New York. 

Tarrytown Historical Society. 

Ticonderoga Historical Society. 

Tuesday Historical Society (Friendship, N. Y.). 

Ulster Historical Society. 

Vallonia Historical Society. 

Washington Continental Guard. 

Washington Headquarters Association. 

Waterloo Library and Historical Society. 

Westchester County Historical Society. 

Yonkers Historical and Library Association. 

Department of History, Columbia University. 
Department of History, Syracuse University. 
Department of History, Union College. 
President White Library, Cornell University. 

Dr. John H. Finley, Commissioner of Education of the State of New York and 
President of the University of the State of New York. 

Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University. 
Dr. C. D. Walcott, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. 

Other Historical or Patriotic Societies or Associations in New York wishing to 
join with the above are invited to communicate with the Secretary. 




iiiiiiif RftRY 0F " congress 

014 107 914 l? 



